HILDT 

The  Ministry  of  Stephen  of  Perche 
during  the  Minority  of  William  II 
of  Sicily. 


DG 

867.27 

H5 


VOL.  Ill,  No.  3  APRIL,  1918 


JOHN   SPENCER    BASSETT 
SIDNEY  BRADSHAW  FAY 

Editors 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE 

DURING  THE  MINORITY  OF 

WILLIAM  II  OF  SICILY 


By  JOHN  C.  HILDT 


NORTHAMPTON,  MASS. 

Publiihed  Quarterly  by  the 
Department  of  History  of  Smith  College 

Entered  as  second  class  matter  December  14,  1915,  at  the  postomee  at 
Northampton,  Mass.,  under  the  act  of  August  24,  1912. 


SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

JOHN  SPENCER  BASSETT 
SIDNEY  BRADSHAW  FAY 

EDITORS 

THE  SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY  is  published  quarterly,  in 
October,  January,  April  and  July,  by  the  Department  of  History  of  Smith 
College.  The  subscription  price  is  one  dollar  and  a  half  for  the  year. 
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numbers).  Subscriptions  and  requests  for  exchanges  should  be  addressed 
to  Professor  SIDNEY  B.  FAY,  Northampton,  Mass. 

THE  SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY  aims  primarily  to  afford  a 
medium  for  the  publication  of  studies  in  History  and  Government  by 
investigators  who  have  some  relation  to  the  College,  either  as  faculty, 
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special  interest  to  alumnae  of  Smith  College  and  to  others  interested  in 
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promise  to  further  either  of  these  aims  will  be  welcomed,  and  should  be 
addressed  to  Professor  JOHN  S.  BASSETT,  Northampton,  Mass. 


SMITH  COLLEGE  STORIES  IN  HISTORY 
VOL.1 

No.  1.    "AN  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  HISTORY  of  CONNECTICUT  AS  A 

MANUFACTURING  STATE" Grace  Pierpont  Fuller 

Nos.  2,  3.    "THE  OPERATION  OF  THE  FREEDMEN'S  BUREAU  IN  SOUTH 

CAROLINA"  Laura  Josephine  Webster 

No.  4.    "WOMEN'S  SUFFRAGE  IN  NEW  JERSEY,  1790-1807" 

Edward  Raymond  Turner 
"THE  CIIEKOUEE  NEGOTIATIONS  OF  1822-1823" .. Annie  Heloise  Abel 

VOL.  II 

No.    1.      "THE  HOHENZOLLERN   HOUSEHOLD  AND  ADMINISTRATION  IN 

THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY" Sidney  Bradshaw  Fay 

*No.  2.    "CORRESPONDENCE  OF  GEORGE  BANCROFT  AND  JARED  SPARKS, 

1823-1832"  Edited  by  John  Spencer  Bassett 

*No.  3.    "THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  POWERS  OF  THE  STATE  EX- 
ECUTIVE IN  NEW  YORK"  Margaret  C.  Alexander 

*No.  4.    "TRADE  OF  THE  DELAWARE  DISTRICT  BEFORE  THE  REVO- 
LUTION"  Mary  Alice   Hanna 

VOL.  Ill 

No.  1.    JOSEPH  HAWLEY'S  CRITICISM  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION 

OF  MASSACHUSETTS  Mary  Catherine  Clune 

No.  2.    "FINANCES  OF  EDWARD  VI  AND  MARY".  .  .Frederick  Charles  Dietz 


*  Double  number. 


VOL.  Ill,  No.  3  APRIL,  1918 


JOHN   SPENCER    BASSETT 
SIDNEY  BRADSHAW  FAY 

Editors 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE 

DURING  THE  MINORITY  OF 

WILLIAM  II  OF  SICILY 


By  JOHN  C.  HILDT 


NORTHAMPTON,  MASS. 

Published  Quarterly  by  the 
Department  of  History  of  Smith  College 


LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
SANTA  BARBARA 


PREFACE 

Except  to  a  few  students  of  the  Middle  Ages  the  history  of 
the  Norman  kingdom  in  southern  Italy  and  Sicily  has  but  little 
interest  apart  from  its  connection  with  the  history  of  the  empire, 
or  of  the  papacy.  This  is  probably  because  the  Norman  kingdom 
had  so  few  points  of  contact  with  England,  France  and  Germany, 
and  also  because  it  has  ceased  to  exist,  no  national  patriotism  ex- 
isted to  act  as  an  incentive  for  the  exploitation  of  its  history. 
Nevertheless  the  rise  and  development  of  this  kingdom,  called 
"the  kingdom  of  Sicily,  the  duchy  of  Apulia  and  the  principality 
of  Capua,"  is  one  of  the  great  phenomena  of  the  Middle  Ages. 
This  power  grew  up  through  the  conquests  of  the  country  by 
small  bands  of  Normans  who  in  the  early  years  of  the  eleventh 
century  wandered  into  southern  Italy  in  search  of  plunder  and 
adventure. 

Despite  the  smallness  of  their  numbers,  these  adventurers 
overthrew  the  Greek  and  Lombard  rulers  whom  they  found 
there,  conquered  Sicily  from  the  Saracens,  defied  the  claims 
and  the  armies  of  the  German  and  the  Greek  emperors,  carried 
war  into  the  heart  of  the  Byzantine  empire,  and  made  important 
conquests  on  the  northern  coast  of  Africa.  They  twice  captured 
the  pope  and  forced  him,  first,  to  legitimate  their  conquests, 
then  to  recognize  their  kingdom,  and  finally  to  grant  ecclesiastical 
privileges  greater  than  the  medieval  papacy  ever  conferred  upon 
any  other  sovereigns  or  state.  Under  them  Sicily  embraced 
regions  of  the  most  widely  contrasted  geographical  character,  two 
antagonistic  religions,  the  Christian  and  the  Mohammedan,  and 
hostile  races,  like  the  Greeks,  Saracens,  Lombards,  Italians  and 
Normans,  who  clung  tenaciously  to  their  native  customs,  laws, 
and  languages.  Still  the  kingdom  was  no  ephemeral  creation. 
Under  various  names  and  various  ruling  dynasties,  it  "ob- 
stinately maintained  its  unity  with  itself  and  its  separateness 
from  the  rest  of  the  peninsula"  until  1860,  when,  as  the  king- 
dom of  the  Two  Sicilies,  it  was  incorporated  into  the  present 
kingdom  of  Italy. 

In  the  following  study  of  the  ministry  of  Stephen  of  Perche, 


142  SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

which  is  an  episode  in  a  larger  discussion  of  the  rise  and  devel- 
opment of  the  Norman  kingdom  of  Sicily,  I  have  attempted  to 
give  a  picture  of  the  life  and  procedure  of  the  Norman  court 
at  Palermo  and  glimpses  of  the  habits  of  the  people  of  Sicily 
during  the  early  years  of  the  reign  of  William  II,  1166-1189. 
At  this  time  the  Norman  kingdom  was  thoroughly  established 
and  occupied  an  important  place  among  the  nations  of  Europe. 
Too  often  in  the  history  of  the  Middle  Ages  one  gets  the  impres- 
sion that  there  was  little  but  war  and  treaties  and  that  the  peo- 
ple then  living  were  a  curious,  inhuman  lot,  very  different  in 
thought  and  deed  from  the  people  of  today.  I  hope  my  study 
will  show  that  this  is  not  true.  Besides  intending  to  give  a  pic- 
ture of  the  life  of  the  times,  it  aims  to  show  the  shifting,  unsta- 
ble organization  of  the  court  under  an  absolute  monarchy,  its 
cosmopolitanism,  the  methods  of  its  judicial  procedure,  and  the 
necessity  of  force  as  a  basis  of  successful  government.  Per- 
haps it  will  also  throw  light  upon  the  significance  and  functions 
of  the  "familiar",  a  peculiar  Sicilian  institution. 

In  making  this  study  I  have  drawn  upon  two  of  the  most  im- 
portant sources  of  Norman-Sicilian  history.  One  of  them,  the 
"History"  of  Hugh  Falcandus,  is  considered  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  histories,  or  chronicles,  of  the  Middle  Ages.  Of  the 
author  we  know  almost  nothing.  Indeed,  it  is  doubtful  if  Hugh 
Falcandus  was  his  name.  The  book  deals  with  the  events  of 
the  Norman-Sicilian  kingdom  from  1154  to  1169,  but  the  em- 
phasis is  laid  upon  the  happenings  at  the  court  and  in  Palermo. 
The  vividness,  the  vigor,  the  detail  with  which  the  author  de- 
scribed men  and  events  and  the  care  with  which  he  sought  to 
explain  the  causes  of  events  won  for  him  from  Gibbon  and  other 
historians  the  name  of  "the  Tacitus  of  the  Middle  Ages."  He 
was  an  eye-witness  of  most  of  the  scenes  he  described.  He  had 
opportunities  for  knowing  the  inside  history  of  the  times  in 
which  he  lived.  But  who  he  was,  what  was  his  position  at  court, 
or  what  was  his  nationality,  we  do  not  know.  It  is  all  a  mys- 
tery yet  unsolved.1 


'Chalandon,  F.,  Histoire  de  la  Domination  Normande  en  Italic  et  en 
Sicile,  I,  lii-lxi. 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE  143 

Arguments  can  be  produced  to  show  that  he  was  not  a 
Sicilian,  nor  a  Frenchman,  nor  an  Apulian.  Equally  good  argu- 
ments might  be  produced,  I  think,  to  prove  that  he  was  an 
Englishman.  Certainly  the  Englishmen  at  the  Sicilian  court 
alone  escaped  his  bitter  censures.  In  the  first  part  of  his  history, 
which  deals  with  the  reign  of  William  I,  Falcandus  wrote  as  an 
active  partisan  of  the  feudal  nobility.  He  was  especially  hostile, 
nay  slanderous,  in  regard  to  William  I's  bourgeois  prime  minis- 
ter, the  emir  Maio,  of  Bari.2  But  in  the  latter  part  of  his 
work,  upon  which  I  have  drawn  so  exhaustively,  there  was  no 
such  partisanship,  although  the  author  was  kindly  disposed  to 
Stephen  of  Perche.  Here  he  was  more  dispassionate  and  phil- 
osophical. 

The  other  important  source  used  in  this  study  is  the  "An- 
nales"  of  Romoald  II,  archbishop  of  Salerno.  Archbishop  Romo- 
ald belonged  to  the  distinguished  family  of  Guarna  in  Salerno. 
He  was  a  physician,  as  well  as  a  prelate  and  historian.  Occupy- 
ing the  second  most  important  see  in  the  kingdom  he  played  an 
influential  part  in  the  events  of  his  day.  He  was  one  of  the 
Sicilian  representatives  in  the  peace  negotiations  between  Had- 
rian IV  and  William  I  at  Benevento  in  1156.  He  attended 
William  I  in  his  last  illness  and  presided  at  the  coronation  of 
William  II.  But  the  event  of  his  life  in  which  he  took  the  most 
satisfaction  was  his  participation,  as  one  of  the  two  ambassadors 
of  William  II,  in  the  negotiation  of  the  treaty  of  Venice  in 
1177  between  Frederick  I  and  Alexander  III  and  his  allies, 
the  king  of  Sicily  and  the  Lombard  League.  Romoald  is  very 
circumspect  in  his  narration  of  the  events  in  which  his  share 
might  be  subject  to  criticism  or  blame.  He  is  often  silent,  or  too 
brief,  in  regard  to  many  important  matters  where  Falcandus, 
who  was  most  probably  less  intimately  concerned,  gives  us  a 
wealth  of  detail.  Romoald's  book  is  a  valuable  supplement  and 
check  to  the  narrative  of  Falcandus.3 


2  Siragusa,  G.  B.,  II  Regno  di  Guglielmo  I  in  Sicilia,  parte  prima,  155- 
162. 

8  Chalandon,  I,  xlix-lii ;  Siragusa,  parte  prima,  9-10. 


The  Ministry  of  Stephen  of  Perche  During  the 
Minority  of  William  II  of  Sicily 

1.    Intrigues  Against  Richard  Palmer 

William  II  was  not  quite  fourteen  years  old  when  his  father, 
William  I,  died,  7  May,  1166,1  and  he  succeeded  to  the  throne 
of  the  kingdom  of  Sicily,  the  duchy  of  Apulia,  and  the  princi- 
pality of  Capua.  A  few  years  earlier  William  I  had  experienced 
the  deepest  humiliation  at  the  hands  of  his  vassals.  For  the 
first  time  since  Sicily  had  been  conquered  by  the  Normans  the 
barons  had  revolted,  seized  the  king  in  his  palace  at  Palermo 
and  prepared  to  depose  him.  In  order  that  they  might  control 
the  government  they  proposed  to  place  his  eldest  son,  the  nine 
year  old  Roger,  duke  of  Apulia,  on  the  throne.  Surprised  at 
their  own  success  the  barons  hesitated  before  putting  their  plan 
into  effect.  The  bishops  who  were  in  Palermo  foresaw  the 
anarchy  of  baronial  rule.  Headed  by  Romoald,  archbishop  of 
Salerno,  they  led  the  populace  of  Palermo  to  the  palace  and  res- 
cued the  king.  During  the  confusion  the  young  heir  to  the 
throne  was  mysteriously  killed.2  Grateful  to  the  bishops  for  the 
restoration  of  his  liberty  and  the  re-establishment  of  his  au- 
thority William  I  permitted  them  to  exercise  great  influence  in 
the  government  during  the  rest  of  his  reign.  On  his  death-bed 
William  I  designated  his  eldest  surviving  son,  William,  as  the 
heir  to  the  kingdom  and,  in  accordance  with  the  Norman  custom 
of  the  realm,  appointed  his  wife,  Margaret,  daughter  of  Garcia 
VI,  king  of  Navarre,  regent  until  the  boy  could  assume  the 
government.  He  also  ordered  that  his  wife  should  retain  in 
office  his  intimate  advisers  and  ministers,  Richard  Palmer,  the 


^omoaldi  II  Archiepiscopi  Salernitani  Annales,  a.  893-1178,  ed.  W. 
Arndt,  Monumenta  Germaniae  Historica,  ed.  G.  H.  Pertz,  Scriptores, 
XIX,  435. 

*  Hugonis  Falcandi  Historia  De  Tyrannide  Siculorum,  ed.  G.  Del  Re, 
Cronisti  e  Scrittori  Sincroni  della  Dominazione  Normanna  nel  Regno  di 
Puglia  e  Sicilia,  ed.  G.  Del  Re,  I,  315-326;  Romoald  Salern.,  431-432. 


146  SMITH  COLLEGE;  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

bishop-elect  of  Syracuse,  the  gait,  Peter,  and  Matthew  of  Aiello, 
the  chief  of  the  notaries.3 

The  dealings  of  the  rebellious  vassals  with  the  heir  apparent, 
Roger,  in  their  efforts  to  depose  the  king  had  prevented  Wil- 
liam I  from  associating  his  eldest  surviving  son  with  him  in  the 
kingship  during  his  life  time.  It  had  even  prevented  him  from 
conferring  upon  him  the  duchy  of  Apulia  with  which  it  was 
becoming  customary  to  designate  the  heir  to  the  throne.  It  was 
this  lack  of  formal  recognition  of  William  II  as  heir  as  well  as 
the  dread  of  revolt,  that  caused  the  queen  and  her  counsellors 
to  withhold  the  news  of  the  death  of  William  I  until  after  the 
great  barons  had  been  summoned  to  court  and  had  acknowl- 
edged William  II  as  king.4  After  the  funeral  and  the  period  of 
mourning  for  the  late  king  were  over,  William  II  was  escorted 
by  the  clergy  and  the  barons  to  the  cathedral  of  Palermo  and 
there  crowned  by  Romoald,  the  archbishop  of  Salerno.  The 
good  looks,  youth,  and  innocence  of  the  young  king  called  forth 
a  great  outburst  of  loyalty  and  enthusiasm;  for  even  the  ene- 
mies of  the  late  king  recognized  that  William  II  was  in  no  way 
responsible  for  his  father's  unpopular  acts.5 

The  queen,  in  order  that  the  new  reign  might  be  peaceful 
and  popular,  sought  to  conciliate  the  people  and  the  barons.  She 
not  only  carried  out  the  provisions  of  her  husband's  will,  but  was 
lavish  in  the  distribution  of  her  favors.  She  released  many 
prisoners,  both  in  Sicily  and  on  the  mainland.  She  gave  orders 
that  the  oppressive  "redemption"6  should  no  longer  be  col- 
lected. Many  counts  and  barons  were  recalled  from  exile  and 
their  possessions  restored  to  them,  while  lands  were  liberally  dis- 
tributed to  the  churches,  counts,  barons  and  knights.7  Although 


'Falcand.,  341.  Gait  was  a  title  of  military  nobility  among  the  Sar- 
acens and  was  borne  by  the  eunuchs  in  the  service  of  William  I  and 
William  II.  Amari,  M.,  Storia  dei  Musulmanni  in  Sicilia,  III,  261-266. 

4Falcand.,  341. 

J  Falcand.,  342;  Romoald  Salern.,  435. 

'"Redemption,"  a  contribution  levied  by  William  I  on  the  towns  and 
castles  of  Apulia  and  Terra  di  Lavoro  which  had  taken  part  in  a  revolt 
against  him.  Falcand.,  335. 

'  Falcand.,  342 ;  Romoald  Salern,  435. 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE  147 

the  queen  still  kept  her  husband's  advisers  and  ministers  as  his 
will  directed,  nevertheless  she  abandoned  his  policy  of  consider- 
ing Robert  of  Syracuse,  Matthew  the  notary,  and  the  gait 
Peter  as  being  equal  in  authority  and  power.  The  gait,  Peter,  a 
Saracen  eunuch,  was  gentle,  kindly  and  affable,  while  his  ex- 
treme liberality  to  the  soldiers  obtained  for  him  their  favor  and 
obedience.  These  qualities  attracted  the  queen.  Considering 
him  the  ablest  minister,  she  placed  him  at  the  head  of  the  admin- 
istration and  over  the  other  two,  who,  however,  continued  to 
participate  in  the  council  meetings  and  to  be  called  familiars.8 

Now  that  the  king  was  a  minor,  attacks  were  no  longer  made 
upon  the  sovereign,  nor  revolts  against  his  authority;  but  the 
court  was  agitated  by  a  series  of  intrigues  to  gain  control  of  the 
administration.  Most  active  in  these  intrigues  were  the  bishops 
who  did  not  reside  in  their  bishoprics  but  flocked  to  the  court. 
At  this  time  there  were  in  Palermo  Romoald,  archbishop  of 
Salerno;  Roger,  archbishop  of  Reggio;  Tustan,  bishop  of  Maz- 
zara;  and  Gentile,  bishop  of  Girgenti.  Of  these  the  most  rest- 
less intriguer  was  the  bishop  of  Girgenti.  In  former  days 
he  had  been  so  afraid  of  William  I  that  he  sought  to  gain  popu- 
lar favor  and  the  good  will  of  the  king  by  living  an  ascetic  life. 

Freed  from  this  fear  by  the  king's  death,  Gentile  suddenly 
threw  off  his  cloak  of  virtue  and  began  to  live  a  most  dissolute 
life.  He  also  sought  to  secure  a  following  for  himself.  For  this 
purpose  he  frequently  gave  splendid  feasts  to  the  soldiers.  In 
his  efforts  to  secure  popular  support  he  boasted  of  his  family 
and  his  own  achievements  and  lied  so  extravagantly  that  many 
people  were  surprised  and  amused  that  a  bishop  should  act  so. 
He  declared  that  if  he  were  a  familiar  of  the  court  he  would 
destroy  all  the  evil  customs  and  that  under  'him  the  notaries 
and  the  door-keepers  of  the  palace  and  other  officials  of  the 
court  should  be  made  to  stop  their  extortions  and  be  restricted 
to  a  fixed  scale  of  fees.  He  was  especially  hostile  to  Richard 
Palmer,  the  "elect"  of  Syracuse,  and  sought  to  stir  up  opposi- 
tion to  him  and  destroy  his  reputation  with  both  the  people  and 

8Falcand.,  342. 


148  SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

the  barons.  His  enmity  to  Richard  of  Syracuse  was  due  to  the 
fact  that  both  he  and  Richard  were  aspirants  for  the  vacant 
archbishopric  of  Palermo,  and  that  he  thought  that  Richard, 
puffed  up  with  pride  at  his  position  at  court,  had  treated  him 
with  haughty  insolence. 

Bishop  Gentile,  accordingly,  planned  to  drive  the  bishop-elect 
of  Syracuse  from  court.  As  Richard  was  an  Englishman,  Gen- 
tile sought  to  get  rid  of  him  by  stirring  up  a  movement  against 
foreigners  in  the  service  of  the  crown.  "The  foreigners,"  he 
said,  "had  acquired  great  power  at  court  and,  trusting  in  the 
friendship  of  the  king  had  greatly  oppressed  the  nation.  They 
should  be  completely  excluded  from  court  and  the  bishop-elect 
the  first  of  all.  If  he  were  driven  away  and  not  one  of  those 
people  were  permitted  to  remain  at  court  the  king,  when  he 
came  of  age,  would  have  as  his  familiars  and  confer  the  digni- 
ties of  the  court  upon  those  among  whom  he  grew  up  and  not 
upon  wanderers  and  adventurers."  For  his  scheme  he  secured 
the  support  of  Romoald,  archbishop  of  Salerno,  and  Roger, 
archbishop  of  Reggio.  He  gained  over  the  archbishop  of  Reggio 
by  entertaining  him  at  splendid  feasts,  for  archbishop  Roger  was 
a  most  miserly  man  who  was  ever  ready  to  dine  at  the  table  of 
others  in  order  to  save  his  own  resources.  The  notary,  Matthew 
of  Aiello,  also  joined  in  the  conspiracy  because  of  his  jealousy 
of  Richard.  The  two  men  had  long  been  colleagues.  As  Mat- 
thew  was  uncertain  about  the  success  of  the  plot  he  prudently 
wished  to  keep  secret  his  participation  in  it.  The  conspirators 
sought  also  to  win  over  the  gait,  Peter.  Every  day  they  rode 
with  him  and  paid  him  great  court,  "more  than  became  their 
episcopal  dignity."  They  warned  him  that  the  "elect"  of  Syra- 
cuse, jealous  of  his  position  at  court,  had  conspired  with  some 
others  to  have  him  killed.  The  eunuch,  believing  every  thing 
which  was  thus  poured  into  his  ear,  at  once  informed  his  friends 
and  by  their  advice  he  hired  men  to  kill  the  bishop-elect  as  he 
entered  the  palace.  In  order  that  Richard  might  not  be  pro- 
tected, Peter  prohibited  the  king's  soldiers  and  their  constable 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE  149 

from  riding  with  the  "elect,"  or  accompanying  him  when  he  came 
to  court.9 

Although  Richard  Palmer  was  informed  of  this  plot  against 
him,  he  took  no  precautions  to  defend  himself,  nor  did  he  come 
to  court  each  day  less  often  than  his  custom.  Seeing  the  bravery 
of  the  man  the  gait,  Peter,  was  so  impressed  that,  in  spite  of 
the  urging  of  his  ecclesiastical  fellow-conspirators,  he  would 
not  permit  him  to  be  assassinated.  When  the  bishops  and  Mat- 
thew, the  notary,  saw  that  Peter  refused  to  have  the  "elect"  of 
Syracuse  murdered,  they  persuaded  him  that  he  should  at  least 
have  him  removed  from  court,  by  sending  him  back  to  his  bish- 
opric, and  have  the  archbishop  of  Salerno  appointed  to  his  place. 
Although  the  eunuch  promised  to  do  this,  again  he  lacked  the 
determination  to  carry  it  out.  The  conspirators  were  in  despair 
and  would  have  dropped  their  plot  had  it  not  been  for  the  arch- 
bishop of  Reggio. 

Roger,  archbishop  of  Reggio,  "was  now  in  extreme  old  age, 
tall,  exceedingly  thin,  with  a  voice  so  feeble  that  it  sounded  like 
a  hiss,  his  face  and  whole  body  were  of  such  an  ashy  paleness 
that  he  seemed  more  like  a  corpse  than  a  living  person.  He  con- 
sidered no  labor  too  difficult  if  any  money  could  be  obtained  from 
it,  suffering  beyond  human  practice  thirst  and  hunger  that  he 
might  save  his  own  expense.  He  was  never  joyful  at  his  own 
table  and  never  a  sad  guest  at  that  of  another.  Very  often  he 
would  pass  whole  days  fasting,  expecting  that  some  one  would 
invite  him  to  dine,  which  frequently  the  bishop  of  Girgenti 
was  accustomed  to  do,  as  did  others  who  knew  this  peculiarity 
of  his."  Because  of  his  reputation  for  sanctity  the  archbishop 
succeeded  in  rallying  the  enemies  of  the  "elect"  to  continue  in 
their  efforts  to  drive  him  from  power.  The  conspirators  now 
obtained  new  and  more  powerful  allies.  They  secured  the  sup- 
port of  the  queen  who  also  disliked  the  bishop-elect.  In  her 
husband's  life-time  queen  Margaret  had  on  several  occasions 
asked  his  aid  and  Richard,  whose  success  had  made  him  proud 
and  overbearing,  had  refused  her  requests  with  insolent  sar- 


8  Falcand.,  342-344. 


150  SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

casm.  Now  there  was  then  at  the  court  in  Palermo  cardinal 
John  the  Neapolitan.  Seeing  the  two  factions  at  the  court,  he 
attempted  to  fish  in  troubled  waters  and  obtain  from  their  rivalry 
some  advantage  for  himself.  So  he  readily  consented  to  the 
request  of  the  gait,  Peter,  to  have  the  pope  order  the  bishop-elect 
back  to  his  diocese.  The  cardinal  hoped,  by  doing  this  favor 
for  the  gait,  that  Peter  would  influence  the  queen  to  have  him 
given  the  vacant  archbishopric  of  Palermo.10 

2.     Arrival  of  the  Count  of  Gravina 

While  the  opposition  to  the  bishop-elect  of  Syracuse  was 
thus  preparing  to  strike,  news  arrived  in  Palermo  that  the 
queen's  cousin,  Gilbert,  count  of  Gravina,  who  had  been  loyal 
to  William  I  during  the  revolt  in  Apulia,  had,  on  hearing  the 
news  of  the  king's  death,  set  out  for  Palermo  and  had  crossed 
the  Faro  and  would  soon  be  at  court.  At  once  the  enemies  of 
Richard  Palmer  perceived  that  here  was  a  new  and  much  more 
dangerous  rival.  His  rank,  his  loyalty,  his  relationship  to  the 
queen,  all  qualified  him  for  a  high  position  at  court,  and  they 
foresaw  that  the  count  would  be  content  with  nothing  less  than 
the  position  of  master  catepan  of  the  whole  kingdom.  If  he 
obtained  this  position  he  would  occupy  the  highest  place  after 
the  queen  in  the  administration  of  the  realm.  Richard  of  Syra- 
cuse seized  his  opportunity  to  acquire  a  powerful  ally.  He  sent 
messengers  to  the  count  to  inform  him  of  the  state  of  affairs  at 
court  and  formed  an  alliance  with  him. 

On  his  arrival  at  court  the  count  of  Gravina  was  disappointed 
at  the  position  in  which  he  found  himself.  He  was  accompanied 
by  too  small  a  band  of  soldiers  to  override  the  opposition  he 
found  arrayed  against  him.  The  queen  had  no  intention  of  dis- 
placing the  gait,  Peter,  for  him.  Her  distrust  of  the  count  was 
aroused  when  she  was  secretly  informed  by  Cardinal  John  and 
the  friends  of  Peter  that  he  was  endeavoring  to  deprive  her  of 
the  regency  and  all  her  authority  in  order  to  take  it  himself. 


10  Falcand.,  344-345. 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE  151 

Much  irritated  by  his  reception  the  count  made  himself  the 
spokesman  for  the  party  of  the  aristocracy  and  of  Richard  Pal- 
mer. In  the  presence  of  the  gait,  Peter,  he  scolded  the  queen 
for  having  attempted  to  rule  the  kingdom  through  a  eunuch  in- 
stead of  through  the  counts  and  barons  as  she  ought.  He  fur- 
thermore upbraided  her  for  permitting  conspirators  to  attempt 
to  drive  away  from  the  court  the  bishop-elect  of  Syracuse,  a 
prudent  man  and  necessary  to  the  kingdom.  The  queen  tried  to 
conciliate  him  by  offering  him  the  position  of  familiar  at  the 
court  with  authority  equal  to  that  of  the  gait.  Indignantly  the 
count  rejected  the  offer  which  he  declared  would  make  him  the 
equal  of  a  eunuch.  He  then  departed,  leaving  the  queen  in 
tears.11 

Peter,  realizing  the  intensity  of  the  opposition  of  the  count  of 
Gravina  towards  him,  judged  that  he  would  have  to  protect  him- 
self with  force.  For  this  reason  he  sought  to  gain  the  good  will 
of  the  soldiers  with  many  kindnesses  and  large  gifts.  Then,  as 
the  barons,  nobles  and  all  who  possessed  lands  and  fiefs  pre- 
ferred that  the  count  of  Gravina  should  be  in  control  at  court 
and  be  made  catepan,  Peter  undertook  to  deprive  the  count  of 
this  support.  The  master  constable  was  Richard  of  Mandra. 
He  had  accepted  the  eunuch's  money  and  was  under  many  ob- 
ligations to  him.  Therefore  Peter  believed  he  could  easily  con- 
trol him  and  planned  to  have  Richard  supplant  Count  Gilbert 
as  the  leader  of  the  aristocracy.  In  order  that  Richard  might 
have  the  necessary  rank  and  wealth  he  persuaded  the  queen  to 
make  him  count  of  Molise  to  the  great  indignation  of  many 
courtiers.  In  accordance  with  custom  the  new  count,  preceded 
by  trumpets,  drums  and  cymbals,  took  possession  of  Boiano, 
Venafro  and  all  the  other  castles  which  belonged  to  the  count- 
ship  of  Molise.12  But  Peter's  courage  was  not  equal  to  his 
political  sagacity.  He  was  seized  with  a  growing  fear  that  the 
count  of  Gravina  was  plotting  against  his  life.  He  rode  about 
accompanied  by  a  large  band  of  soldiers  and  archers,  gave  lib- 


"Falcand.,  346-347. 
"Falcand.,  347. 


152  SMITH  COIAEGB  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

erally  to  all  who  came  to  him  and  tried  to  bind  to  his  party  by 
oath  as  many  persons  as  he  could.  At  last,  overcome  by  his  ter- 
ror, Peter  determined  to  flee  by  night  from  the  country.  Se- 
cretly he  had  a  swift  ship  prepared  and  putting  on  board  his 
treasures  and  a  few  of  the  eunuchs  with  whom  he  was  intimate, 
he  escaped  to  Africa.13 

The  news  of  the  flight  of  the  master  chamberlain  of  the 
palace  created  great  excitement  among  the  people.  It  was  re- 
ported that  not  only  had  he  carried  off  an  immense  amount  of 
treasure,  which  was  true,  but  that  he  had  also  taken  the  royal 
insignia.  A  council,  consisting  of  the  bishops,  the  counts  and 
the  familiars  of  the  court,  was  summoned  to  the  palace.  At 
this  meeting  the  queen  denied  that  Peter  had  taken  any  of  the 
royal  treasure,  while  the  count  of  Gravina  blamed  her  for  hav- 
ing given  so  great  power  to  a  Saracen  slave  who  had  betrayed 
the  Sicilian  fleet.14  The  newly  created  count  of  Molise  took 
up  the  defense  of  the  fugitive  and  declared  that  while  Peter  had 
once  been  a  slave  he  had  been  freed  by  the  will  of  the  late  king 
and  his  liberty  confirmed  by  the  queen  and  the  new  king,  and 
that  he  had  been  driven  into  flight  through  fear  for  his  life  be- 
cause he  had  been  terrorized  by  the  threats  of  the  count  of 
Gravina.  The  speaker  further  expressed  his  willingness  to  prove 
the  loyalty  of  the  fugitive  by  single  combat.  The  dispute  be- 
tween the  two  counts  then  became  so  heated  that  the  count  of 
Molise  called  the  count  of  Gravina  a  coward  and  unworthy  to 
command  the  royal  army,  and  had  it  not  been  for  those  present 
who  put  themselves  between  them  the  two  men  would  have 
come  to  blows.  It  was  only  at  the  command  of  the  queen 
and  at  the  request  of  the  great  barons  that  they  were  prevailed 
upon  to  keep  the  peace.15 


"Falcand.,  348;  Romoald  Salern.,  436.  Cf.  Ibn  Haldun,  Biblioteca 
Arabo-Sicula,  versione  italiana,  ed.  M.  Amari,  II,  166,  238. 

14  Peter  had  been  in  command  of  a  Sicilian  fleet  which  had  been  de- 
feated by  the  Saracens  off  the  coast  of  Africa,  8  September,  1159,  while 
attempting  to  relieve  Mahediah.  Ibn  al  Atir,  BAS.,  I,  489;  Ibn  Haldun, 
ib.,  II,  233;  At  Tigani,  ib.,  II,  80;  Falcand.,  300;  Romoald  Salern.,  429. 

"Falcand.,  348-349. 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE  153 

In  the  flight  of  the  gait,  Peter,  Matthew  the  notary  thought 
he  had  an  opportunity  to  become  the  chief  minister  of  the  king- 
dom. He  saw  that  the  queen,  the  count  of  Molise  and  the 
party  of  Peter  were  anxious  to  have  Count  Gilbert  removed 
from  court.  Accordingly  Matthew  planned  to  gain  the  favor  of 
Gilbert's  enemies  and  further  his  own  interests  by  carrying 
through  this  audacious  scheme.  He  spread  the  report  that  the 
German  emperor  was  most  certainly  coming.  He  wrote  false 
letters  containing  this  report  had  them  brought  to  the  king 
as  if  from  remote  parts  of  the  realm.  These  letters  he  himself 
in  the  presence  of  all  the  court  opened  and  read;  for  this  was 
a  part  of  his  official  duty.  The  queen  at  once  made  use  of  the 
news  to  send  for  the  count  of  Gravina  and  urge  him  to  hasten 
immediately  to  Apulia,  collect  an  army,  fortify  the  castles  and 
protect  the  country  against  the  emperor.  Although  the  count 
perceived  that  this  was  a  trick  to  remove  him  from  the  court, 
yet  knowing  that  he  could  accomplish  nothing  against  the  queen's 
will,  he  judged  it  best  to  retire  with  dignity  rather  than  to  be 
driven  out  with  force.  He  therefore  accepted  the  position  of 
catepan  of  Apulia  and  Terra  di  Lavoro  and  with  his  son  Ber- 
trand,  who  had  recently  been  made  count  of  Andria,  he  returned 
to  Apulia.  Upon  the  departure  of  the  count  of  Gravina  the 
count  of  Molise  became  the  great  power  at  court.  The  queen 
made  him  a  familiar  and  conferred  on  him  greater  power  than 
that  possessed  by  any  other  of  the  familiars.  Because  of  his  po- 
sition at  court,  his  courage  and  his  command  of  the  soldiers,  for 
he  still  held  the  office  of  constable,  he  was  greatly  feared  by  all.16 

When  the  count  of  Gravina  had  been  driven  from  court  the 
enemies  of  the  bishop-elect  of  Syracuse,  who  had  dropped  their 
intrigues  against  him  while  a  more  dangerous  rival  was  present, 
took  up  again  their  old  animosity  and  resumed  their  attack 
against  him.  The  bishops  sought  to  rouse  the  queen  to  take  active 
measures  against  him  by  telling  her  that  it  was  Richard  Palmer 
who  had  summoned  the  count  of  Gravina  to  court  and  had  se- 


'Falcand.,  349-350. 


154  SMITH  COLLEGE;  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

cretly  directed  his  actions.  They  told  her  that  it  would  be  very 
easy  to  get  rid  of  him  if  she  would  only  consent ;  that  by  papal 
letters  he  could  be  summoned  to  Rome  to  receive  his  consecra- 
tion and  that,  therefore,  no  blame  could  be  laid  upon  her  for  his 
departure,  nor  would  it  even  seem  to  be  by  her  advice.  They 
also  said  that  when  he  had  departed  he  could  be  deprived  of  his 
position  at  court  and  after  his  consecration  he  could  be  ordered 
to  return  to  his  bishopric.  To  this  plan  the  queen  willingly  gave 
her  consent.  Cardinal  John  the  Neapolitan,  who  represented 
the  interests  of  the  papacy  at  the  Sicilian  court,  was  also  inter- 
ested for  personal  reasons  in  procuring  the  removal  of  the  bish- 
op-elect of  Syracuse  from  the  court  and  therefore  gave  his  as- 
sistance to  the  bishops.  As  he  made  frequent  trips  between 
Rome  and  Palermo  he  was  able  to  procure  from  the  Curia  the 
necessary  authorization  for  this  purpose. 

On  a  prearranged  day  the  cardinal  was  summoned  to  court. 
After  discussing  some  other  affairs  of  the  Roman  church  he  at 
length  produced  papal  letters  ordering  all  the  bishops-elect  of 
Sicily,  whose  consecration  belonged  to  the  Roman  pontiff,  to  go 
to  Rome  to  be  consecrated.  After  having  read  these  letters  in 
the  presence  of  the  king,  the  queen  and  the  whole  court,  he 
added  that  the  pope  had  commanded  him  to  supplement  what- 
ever was  lacking  in  these  decrees  and  that  therefore  he  fixed  a 
date  within  which  the  bishops-elect  should  be  consecrated.  The 
"elect"  of  Syracuse,  seeing  that  these  orders  were  aimed  at  him, 
at  once  responded  that  he  was  ready  to  obey  the  papal  com- 
mands as  soon  as  he  could,  but  that  he  would  not  accept  the 
time  limit  fixed  by  the  cardinal,  nor  anything  which  he  might  add 
to  the  contents  of  the  papal  decrees.17  But  when  the  cardinal 
insisted  that  Richard  should  obey  the  time  limit  which  he  had 
set,  Richard  feared  that  if  he  persisted  in  opposing  the  demands 
of  the  cardinal  without  the  support  of  the  queen  he  would  incur 
the  displeasure  of  the  pope.  With  great  shrewdness  and  adroit- 
ness, therefore,  he  gained  by  large  gifts  the  support  of  the 


Falcand.,  350-351. 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE  155 

queen's  new  favorite  and  chief  minister,  the  count  of  Molise, 
and  the  two  men  became  allies.  When  again  in  the  presence  of 
the  whole  court  the  cardinal  demanded  that  the  bishop-elect  of 
Syracuse  obey  the  commands  of  the  Roman  Curia  the  count 
of  Molise,  to  the  surprise  of  all,  declared  that  the  bishop-elect 
was  too  indispensable  a  man  to  the  kingdom  to  be  permitted  to 
leave  the  court,  either  to  be  consecrated,  or  for  any  other  mat- 
ter. Then  the  queen,  who  always  followed  the  policy  of  her 
favorite  minister,  likewise,  declared  that  she  did  not  wish  the 
"elect"  to  leave  and  that  his  consecration  should  be  put  off 
until  a  more  opportune  time.  Thus  the  intrigues  of  his  enemies 
came  to  nothing  and  Richard  Palmer  retained  his  position  at 
court.18 

While  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom  were  thus  neglected  for  pri- 
vate intrigues,  the  public  treasure  squandered  and  other  things 
done  detrimental  to  the  dignity  of  the  court  and  the  privileges 
of  the  realm,  many  people  began  to  regret  the  death  of  William 
I  who  had  formerly  considered  him  a  cruel  tyrant.19  The 
queen,  however,  by  her  lavish  gifts  was  able  to  maintain  peace 
in  the  kingdom.  She  freed  a  great  number  of  prisoners,  gave 
slaves  their  liberty,  granted  immunities  to  cities,  abolished  cus- 
toms which  seemed  oppressive  and  gave  estates  and  castles  to 
many  nobles.  But  she  was  especially  anxious  to  conciliate  the 
nobility  and  during  the  first  months  of  her  rule  she  created  nine 
new  counts.  Among  these  new  counts  were,  however,  three 
of  her  own  relatives.  They  were  Bertrand,  the  son  of  Gilbert, 
Count  of  Gravina,  whom  she  made  count  of  Andria,  Hugh  of 
Rupe  Forte  (Rochefort),  a  cousin  "lately  come  from  France," 
and  her  half-brother  Roderick,  or  Henry.20  This  half-brother 
of  the  queen,  a  bastard  son  of  the  king  of  Navarre,  had  come 
into  Sicily  from  Spain  with  a  large  following  of  Spanish  sol- 
diers to  seek  his  fortune  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  death  of  Wil- 
liam I.  As  the  Sicilians  made  fun  of  his  name,  Roderick,  the 


"Falcand.,  351-352. 
"Falcand.,  351. 
"Falcand.,  354. 


156  SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

queen  had  him  change  it  to  Henry.  The  queen  married  him  to 
one  of  the  illegitimate  daughters  of  King  Roger  II  and  con- 
ferred upon  him  the  countship  of  Montescaglioso.  This  Henry 
was  an  ugly,  dark,  little  man  who  knew  nothing  but  gambling 
with  dice  and  checkers  and  who  cared  for  nothing  except  to 
have  money  to  squander  on  these  games  and  on  persons  with 
whom  he  played  them.  As  he  thus  threw  away  the  large  sums 
given  him  by  the  queen,  she  soon  became  exasperated  and  or- 
dered him  to  depart  to  his  estates  in  Apulia.21  In  addition  to 
these  favors  granted  to  the  nobility  the  queen  recalled  from  exile 
and  restored  to  their  estates  Roger,  count  of  Acerra,  and  Roger, 
count  of  Avellino.  These  and  other  concessions  secured  the 
submission  of  the  nobility  and  the  peace  of  the  kingdom.22 

With  the  departure  of  the  count  of  Gravina  and  the  failure 
to  remove  the  bishop-elect  of  Syracuse  from  his  position  at 
court  the  open  rivalries  there  subsided.  Richard,  count  of  Mo- 
lise,  was  the  most  powerful  of  all  the  ministers  and  the  queen 
refused  him  no  request.  Richard  of  Syracuse  and  Matthew  the 
notary  managed  the  office  of  chancellor,  while  the  gait,  Richard, 
now  master  chamberlain  of  the  palace,  and  the  gait,  Martin, 
who  was  in  charge  of  the  collection  of  the  revenue,  although 
they  were  not  familiars,  assisted  in  the  management  of  the  af- 
fairs of  the  kingdom.  Richard  of  Syracuse  and  Matthew  the 
Notary  were  busy  in  pursuing  their  own  personal  ambitions. 
Richard  was  anxious  to  obtain  the  archbishopric  of  Palermo, 
while  Matthew  aspired  to  become  chancellor.  But  the  Queen 
Margaret,  realizing  the  weakness  of  her  position  and  perceiving 
that  she  had  been  used  as  a  tool  by  the  contending  factions,  de- 
termined that  neither  of  them  should  have  the  offices  for  which 
they  were  striving.  Distrustful  of  the  nobility  and  the  official 
class  alike,  seeing  nothing  but  treachery  and  dishonesty  in  them, 
she  longed  for  a  strong,  loyal,  and  capable  supporter.  It  was 
out  of  this  desire  that  she  obtained  the  services  of  Stephen  of 


"Falcand.,  353,  354;  Romoald  Salern.,  436. 
"Palcand.,  354. 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE  157 

Perche,  destined  to  play  a  large  part  in  the  history  of  the  time 
in  Sicily. 

3.    Stephen  of  Perche  Becomes  Chancellor 

It  had  been  the  custom  of  the  Norman  rulers  in  Sicily  to 
employ  whatever  able  foreigner  they  could  attract  into  their  ser- 
vice. Margaret  had  therefore  written  to  her  uncle,  Rotrou, 
archbishop  of  Rouen,  to  send  to  her  assistance  one  of  her  rela- 
tives, either  Robert  of  Neubourg,  or  Stephen,  son  of  the  count 
of  Perche.  In  the  summer  of  1166  it  became  known  at  Palermo 
that  Stephen  of  Perche  was  on  his  way  to  Sicily,  having  stopped 
to  visit  his  nephew,  the  count  of  Gravina,  in  Apulia.  Count  Gil- 
bert informed  him  of  the  condition  of  affairs  at  the  court,  and 
then,  as  summer  was  approaching,  sent  him  to  Sicily,  which 
was  more  healthy  in  that  season  than  Apulia.  When  Stephen 
arrived  at  Palermo  the  familiars  of  the  court,  the  bishops, 
the  soldiers  with  their  constable  at  their  head,  went  forth 
to  meet  him  at  the  queen's  orders  and  escorted  him  to  the 
royal  palace.  Here  he  was  received  with  great  honor  and  kind- 
ness by  the  queen,  who  in  the  presence  of  all  declared  that  his 
father,  the  count  of  Perche,  had  helped  her  father  to  acquire 
his  kingdom  from  the  Saracens  and  therefore,  although  Stephen 
was  only  her  cousin,  she  would  consider  and  treat  him  as  if  he 
were  her  brother.23 

Although  Stephen  had  come  in  response  to  the  queen's  re- 
quest to  the  archbishop  of  Rouen,  yet  what  he  had  heard  from 
his  nephew  of  the  state  of  affairs  at  the  Sicilian  court  had  de- 
cided him  not  to  remain  long  in  Sicily.  When  the  queen  found 
out  that  such  was  his  intention,  she  endeavored  in  every  way,  by 
promises,  hopes  of  reward  and  even  by  pleading,  to  change  his 
resolution.  Finally  she  succeeded.  Thereupon  all  the  bishops 
and  barons  were  summoned  to  court  and  in  their  presence  she 
appointed  Stephen  chancellor  and  ordered  that  all  the  chief 
business  of  the  court  should  be  directly  referred  to  him.  Shortly 
afterwards,  as  Stephen  was  a  clerk,  the  archbishop  of  Salerno, 


"Falcand.,  354-355;  Romoald  Salern.,  436. 


158  SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

Romoald,  ordained  him  subdeacon.  Then  the  canons  of  the 
cathedral  of  Palermo  were  informed  that  the  king  and  queen 
had,  in  response  to  the  request  which  they  had  often  made  to 
them,  granted  them  permission  to  elect  an  archbishop  and  that 
they,  coming  to  the  palace,  in  accordance  with  custom,  should 
nominate  at  court  him  whom  they  judged  suitable  for  the  office. 
The  canons  then,  "no  controversy  having  arisen  among  them 
about  this  (which  rarely  happened),  unanimously  elected  the 
chancellor"  archbishop.  This  election  received  the  approval  of 
Cardinal  William  of  Pavia,  who  arrived  in  Palermo  on  his  way 
to  France,  and  it  was  afterwards  accepted  by  the  pope.24 

In  obtaining  the  greatest  political  and  ecclesiastical  offices 
of  the  kingdom,  Stephen  thus  became  the  most  important  per- 
son of  the  court  after  the  queen.  Sudden  success  always  arouses 
animosity  and  jealousy.  The  opposition  which  Stephen  had  to 
face  was  all  the  greater  because  he  was  a  young  man,  a  new- 
comer at  court  and  a  foreigner,  who  had  deprived  two  old  and 
capable  ministers  and  politicians  of  the  cherished  objects  of 
their  ambitions.  He  was  thoroughly  conscious  of  his  isolation 
and  of  the  danger  he  would  have  to  face.  He  made  master  of 
his  household,  Odo  Quarrel,  canon  of  Chartres,  who  had  advised 
him  to  remain  in  Sicily  and  had  promised  to  remain  with  him 
two  years  until  he  had  acquired  loyal  friends  in  Sicily,  or  until 
some  of  his  relatives  and  friends  in  whom  he  could  trust  had 
come  from  France. 

Knowing  that  he  would  have  to  contend  with  the  open  and 
secret  opposition  of  the  prelates  and  the  official  class  and  that 
the  support  of  the  nobility  was  uncertain,  Stephen  with  great 
wisdom  endeavored  to  obtain  popular  support  by  inaugurating  a 
policy  of  reform  in  both  the  court  and  in  the  local  administra- 
tion of  the  kingdom.  Nevertheless  he  sought,  if  possible,  to 
conciliate  his  disappointed  rivals  and  his  leading  opponents.  He 
saw  that  the  bishop-elect  of  Syracuse  was  the  ablest  of  the  offi- 
cial class  at  court  and  the  one  whom  his  elevation  had  disap- 
pointed and  hurt  most.  Not  only  had  he  lost  the  archbishopric 

"Falcand.,  355-356,  358;  Romoald  Salern.,  436. 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE  159 

of  Palermo,  but  by  Stephen's  appointment  to  the  chancellorship 
his  income  was  diminished,  for  the  king  had  long  permitted  him 
to  hold  during  the  vacancy  in  the  chancellorship  many  lands  and 
revenues  belonging  to  that  office.  In  compensation  for  these 
profits  which  he  was  now  forced  to  surrender,  Stephen  had  him 
given  two  fine  manors,  which  the  Sicilians  called  casalia,  one  to 
be  held  as  long  as  he  remained  in  the  service  of  the  court,  and 
the  other  to  be  possessed  in  perpetuity  by  the  bishops  of  Syra- 
cuse. But  the  bishop-elect  soon  showed  how  little  he  could  for- 
get his  disappointed  ambitions  and  how  little  he  could  forgive 
a  successful  rival.25 

When  Gentile,  bishop  of  Girgenti,  was  making  a  bid  for  pop- 
ularity he  had  declared  that  among  the  abuses  he  wished  to  re- 
form was  that  of  the  extortionate  fees  demanded  by  the  nota- 
ries, who  should  be  restricted  to  a  fixed  scale  of  fees.26  These 
notaries  belonged  to  the  office  of  the  chancellor.  They  were 
laymen  and  formed  an  influential  class  at  court.27  They  drew 
up  not  only  the  royal  documents,  but  also  private  papers  for 
individuals.  For  such  services  they  were  paid  by  the  persons 
for  whose  benefit  the  documents  were  drawn  up.  They  had 
come  to  charge  such  exorbitant  fees  for  these  services  that  it 
had  become  one  of  the  notorious  abuses  of  the  day. 

Shortly  after  Stephen  had  been  made  chancellor  some  men 
came  to  the  court  from  a  remote  part  of  Apulia  seeking  to  have 
certain  of  their  affairs  settled.  When  this  had  been  accom- 
plished they  offered  to  Peter  the  notary,  a  relative  of  Matthew 
of  Aiello,  who  had  drawn  up  the  documents  recording  the  de- 
cision of  the  case,  such  fees  as  they  considered  just.  He  refused 
this  and  demanded  a  much  larger  sum.  Thereupon  the  Apulians 
brought  the  matter  to  the  attention  of  the  chancellor.  Stephen, 
who  was  determined  to  carry  through  a  scheme  of  reform,  com- 
manded one  of  the  notaries  who  was  present  to  draw  up  the 


''Falcand.,  356. 
"Falcand.,   343. 

21  Kehr,   K.   A.,    Die   Urkunden    der    Normannisch-sicilischen    Konige, 
99-113. 


160  SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

necessary  documents  for  the  men  who  were  able  to  depart  that 
very  day.  When  Peter  the  notary  perceived  that  the  men  who 
were  accustomed  to  importune  him  did  not  return  and  learned 
that  they  had  procured  their  documents  through  another  notary, 
he  with  some  of  his  companions  fell  upon  the  Apulians  as  they 
were  traveling  homeward,  beat  them  and,  taking  away  from 
them  the  royal  documents,  broke  the  seals  and  tore  them  up. 
When  the  chancellor  heard  of  this  action  he  summoned  the 
Apulians  and  Peter  to  court.  As  Peter  could  not  deny  the  act 
the  chancellor  had  him  put  in  prison. 

The  bishop-elect  of  Syracuse  seized  the  opportunity  to  come 
forward  as  the  champion  of  the  official  class  and  of  the  family 
of  Matthew  the  notary.  He  asserted  that  this  sentence  was 
against  justice  and  reason;  that  perhaps  it  was  the  custom  in 
France  to  render  such  arbitrary  sentences,  but  it  was  not  the 
custom  in  Sicily,  where  the  notaries  were  a  very  important  class 
and  were  not  so  easily  condemned.  The  chancellor  was  indig- 
nant that  he  to  whom  three  days  before  had  been  given  without 
compulsion  two  fine  estates  should  show  himself  so  ungrateful, 
should  attack  him  so  savagely,  and  question  his  judgment  in  the 
presence  of  the  whole  court;  but  he  concealed  his  chagrin  and 
made  no  reply.  Stephen,  however,  had  the  notary  released  un- 
til he  could  be  tried  in  a  more  regular  manner  on  the  charge  of 
not  only  violating  the  peace  of  the  realm,  but  of  injury  to  the 
king's  majesty.  After  a  few  days  at  the  request  of  the  familiars 
the  chancellor  decided  not  to  push  these  charges,  but  deprived 
Peter  of  his  office  of  notary.28  Thus  in  his  efforts  at  reform 
Stephen  of  Perche  incurred  the  hostility  of  Matthew  the  notary, 
and  of  the  notaries  as  a  class,  as  well  as  the  enmity  of  Richard 
of  Syracuse. 

A  result  of  this  affair  was  that  the  chancellor  sought  to  reduce 
the  extortion  of  the  notaries  by  establishing  a  scale  of  fees  in  ac- 
cordance with  which  they  were  to  be  paid  for  the  various  ser- 
vices they  were  called  upon  to  render.  Then  he  further  attempt- 
ed to  protect  the  lower  classes  from  the  persecutions  of  the 

"Falcand.,  356-357. 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE  161 

stratigoti  and  those  in  command  of  the  provinces  and  the  indi- 
vidual towns.  In  order  to  have  justice  enforced  more  certainly 
he  did  not  permit  his  friends,  the  great  officials  of  the  court, 
or  other  powerful  persons  to  oppress  their  vassals  with  impunity, 
nor  did  he  with  hyprocrisy  tolerate  any  injury  to  the  poor.  By 
such  efforts  Stephen  became  so  popular  that,  as  we  are  told,  all 
declared  him  an  angel  sent  from  heaven  who,  having  reformed 
the  court,  had  brought  back  the  golden  age.  As  a  result  there 
flocked  to  the  court  from  all  parts  of  the  realm  such  a  crowd  of 
men  and  women  with  complaints  that  there  were  scarcely  judges 
enough  to  examine  the  cases  and  notaries  enough,  although  their 
number  had  recently  been  increased,  to  make  the  necessary 
records.29 

When  the  people  of  Palermo  saw  how  incorruptible  the  chan- 
cellor was,  how  in  the  administration  of  justice  he  was  not 
swayed  by  influence,  rewards  or  the  favor  of  any  one,  they 
brought  before  him  accusations  against  many  apostates,  Saracen 
converts  who  had  abandoned  Christianity  and  had  long  been  pro- 
tected and  concealed  by  the  eunuchs  of  the  palace.  Not  one  of 
these  who  was  proved  to  be  guilty  did  the  chancellor  let  go  un- 
punished. Incited  by  these  convictions  the  people  of  Palermo 
dared  to  bring  accusation  against  Robert  of  Calatabiano,  the 
cruel  governor  of  Castellamare.30  In  a  great  crowd  they  went 
to  the  chancellor  and  demanded  that  Robert  be  given  his  due 
punishment.  Some  complained  that  their  houses,  others  that 
their  vineyards,  had  been  unjustly  and  forcibly  taken  from  them. 
Many  charged  that  their  brothers,  or  other  relatives,  had  died 
in  prison  from  his  continued  cruel  torments,  while  there  were 
those  who  declared  that  at  his  own  expense  Robert  had  restored 
a  mosque  in  Castellamare.  Furthermore,  he  was  accused  of  hav- 
ing rented  at  a  very  high  price  to  the  wine-sellers  a  house  in 


"Falcand.,  357. 

30  In  the  reign  of  William  I,  Robert  had  been  in  league  with  the  palace 
eunuchs  and  had  made  use  of  his  position  as  governor  of  the  strong 
fortress  that  commanded  the  harbor  of  Palermo  to  oppress  and  despoil 
those  persons  who  had  incurred  the  enemity,  or  incited  the  avarice,  of 
the  eunuchs,  or  of  himself.  Falcand.,  340. 


162  SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

which,  under  his  protection,  they  conducted  a  resort  for  Saracen 
debauchery  and  crime  and  in  the  profits  of  which  he  had  a  share. 

At  first  Robert  paid  little  attention  to  these  accusations,  be- 
lieving that  he  would  not  be  brought  to  trial.  But  when  he  saw 
that  the  money  was  refused  which  he  offered  to  have  the  case 
dismissed  and  that  the  charges  were  being  pressed  against  him 
in  the  courts,  he  sought  the  protection  of  the  eunuchs.  The 
eunuchs  threw  themselves  at  the  feet  of  the  king  and  queen  and 
with  tears  begged  them  not  to  permit  a  man  who  was  so  useful 
to  the  kingdom  and  had  always  served  most  faithfully  the  court 
to  be  condemned.  They  asserted  that  it  was  not  at  all  surpris- 
ing that  thi,s  tumult  should  be  raised  against  him  since  it  was 
certain  that  no  one  would  please  the  populace  who  obeyed 
faithfully  the  orders  of  the  court.  Influenced  by  the  eunuchs 
the  queen  first  requested  the  chancellor,  and  when  he  refused, 
then  commanded  him  not  to  admit  the  accusations  against  Rob- 
ert, saying  that  the  robberies  and  murders  which  he  had  com- 
mitted had  been  done  at  the  command  of  the  gait,  Peter,  when 
he  had  been  in  favor  at  court,  whose  orders  Robert  did  not  dare 
disobey. 

The  chancellor  was  now  placed  in  a  great  dilemma.  He  must 
either  refuse  to  obey  the  queen,  or  be  guilty  of  a  grave  act  of 
injustice  and  lose  his  popularity  with  the  people.  He  tried  to 
chose  a  middle  road  and  not  displease  the  queen  or  disappoint 
the  people.  He  promised  the  queen  that  he  would  pass  over 
the  accusations  which  pertained  to  the  court  and  which  would 
entail  capital  punishment,  but  would  try  Robert  on  the  accusa- 
tions which  pertained  to  ecclesiastical  law.  If  then  he  were 
found  guilty  he  would  punish  him  with  all  the  severity  of  eccle- 
siastical censure.  Then  having  assembled  the  familiars  of  the 
court,  the  bishops  and  other  clergy,  Stephen,  not  as  chancellor, 
but  as  archbishop  of  Palermo,  tried  Robert  in  the  presence  of  a 
large  assembly  of  the  populace,  not  on  the  charges  of  robbery, 
oppression  and  murder,  but  of  rape,  perjury,  incest  and  adultery. 
He  was  found  guilty  and  sentenced  to  be  whipped  publicly,  im- 
prisoned and  have  his  goods  forfeited  to  the  state.  But  since  it 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE  163 

was  not  possible  to  lead  him  around  the  city,  preceded  by  the 
public  crier,  because  the  people  crowded  the  narrow  streets  in 
order  to  hurl  stones  at  him,  it  was  decided  that  the  people's  ex- 
pectation should  be  disappointed  by  having  him  led  around  the 
church  instead.  Although  Robert  was  surrounded  on  all  sides 
by  soldiers  with  drawn  swords,  yet  even  then  it  was  hardly 
possible  to  protect  him  from  the  fury  of  the  mob.  Then  after 
a  few  days,  as  he  was  unwilling,  or  as  some  said,  unable  to 
pay  the  money  which  he  had  promised  to  the  court  he  was 
taken  to  Castellamare  and  there  placed  in  the  very  prisons  in 
which  he  had  formerly  tortured  so  many  unfortunates  and  there 
he  miserably  died.31 

By  the  punishment  of  Robert  of  Calatabiano  the  popularity 
of  the  chancellor  was  increased  still  further  among  the  people 
of  Sicily  and  especially  among  the  Lombards  settled  there,  who 
(had  suffered  greatly  at  the  hands  of  Robert.  But  at  the  same 
time  he  also  aggravated  the  enmity  of  the  great  officials  of  the 
court  and  other  important  persons  who  found  their  power  lim- 
ited and  their  resources  diverted  to  the  chancellor  and  his 
friends.  In  the  hope  of  revenge  they  began  to  slander  the  chan- 
cellor, declaring  that  it  was  not  right  that  they  who  had  faith- 
fully served  the  court  and  grown  old  in  its  service  should  be 
set  aside  for  a  strange  boy,  who  had  got  into  his  hands  all  the 
great  offices  of  the  court,  who  set  himself  above  every  one  else 
and  wished  to  rule  so  great  a  kingdom  by  himself.  They  further 
accused  the  queen,  who  was  a  Spaniard,  of  calling  this 
Frenchman  a  cousin,  so  that  under  the  name  of  relationship 
she  might  conceal  her  illicit  love  for  him.  But  especially  did 
the  chancellor  incur  the  deadly  hatred  of  the  gait,  Richard,  and 
the  eunuchs  of  the  palace,  whose  tool  Robert  of  Calatabiano  had 
been,  and  they  sought  to  stir  up  the  hatred  of  the  Saracens 
against  him.32  Stephen,  well  aware  of  this  hostility  and  enmity, 
pretended  not  to  notice  it  and  attempted  to  allay  it  by  greater 
familiarity  and  friendliness  towards  his  enemies  and  by  trying 


31Falcand.,  359-360. 
"Falcand.,  360. 


164  SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

to  gain  their  good  will  by  many  kindly  acts,  nevertheless  he  took 
every  possible  measure  to  protect  himself.  He  appointed  as 
master  constable  a  loyal  and  devoted  follower  of  the  king,  Roger 
of  Tiro,  in  whom  he  had  great  confidence,  in  order  that  he 
might  secure  the  support  of  the  soldiers.  Through  Roger  and 
Robert  of  San  Giovanni,  both  of  whom  had  extensive  acquaint- 
ances, he  was  able  to  find  out  everything  which  was  plotted 
against  him  in  Palermo  and  to  take  measures  for  his  protection.33 

Learning  that  Matthew  the  notary  was  sending  letters  by 
courier  to  his  brother,  the  bishop  of  Catania,  more  frequently 
than  he  was  accustomed,  the  chancellor  believed  that  these  com- 
munications had  something  to  do  with  a  plot  against  himself  and 
contained  directions  to  the  bishop  for  spreading  it  in  the  region 
of  Catania.  In  order  that  he  might  confirm  his  suspicions  as 
to  what  was  in  the  letters,  Stephen  sent  a  body  of  men  under  the 
command  of  Robert  of  Belleme  to  intercept  Matthew's  mes- 
sengers on  their  return  from  Catania  and  to  deprive  them  of 
their  papers.  Robert  of  Belleme  bungled  his  task.  The  courier 
who  carried  the  letters  made  his  escape,  while  his  companion 
was  wounded  in  attempting  to  defend  himself  and  taken  pris- 
oner. This  attack  on  his  couriers  greatly  increased  the  antago- 
nism of  Matthew  the  Notary  against  the  chancellor  as  it  proved 
to  him  that  he  lay  under  the  chancellor's  suspicion.34 

Soon  afterwards  Robert  of  Belleme  sickened  and  died.  As 
his  hair  fell  out  and  his  skin  peeled  off  it  was  suspected  that  his 
death  was  not  due  to  natural  causes,  but  to  poison.  The  suspi- 
cion was  confirmed  by  the  archbishop  of  Salerno,  who  was  very 
learned  in  medicine,  and  by  the  bishop  of  Malta  and  others 
whom  the  chancellor  summoned  to  view  the  remains.  Then  a 
Salernian  physician,  a  great  friend  of  Matthew  the  notary,  and 
one  who  by  his  influence  had  been  appointed  a  judge  in  Salerno, 
was  suspected  of  the  crime.  This  physician  had  requested  per- 
mission of  the  chancellor  to  attend  Robert  of  Belleme  and  when 


MFalcand.,  361. 
"Falcand.,   361. 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE  165 

his  request  had  been  refused  he  had  secretly  visited  the  sick  man 
and  given  him  a  syrup. 

When  these  things  became  known  the  chancellor  summoned 
the  bishop-elect  of  Syracuse,  with  Matthew,  Richard,  the  count 
of  Molise,  the  archbishop  of  Salerno,  the  other  bishops  and 
many  barons,  and  after  explaining  the  matter,  had  the  sus- 
pected man  brought  before  them.  Upon  being  questioned  the 
physician  denied  the  accusation,  yet  from  the  evidence  of  the 
witnesses  brought  against  him  his  testimony  was  proved  to  be 
untrustworthy,  so  that  in  the  eyes  of  the  council  the  suspicion 
of  his  guilt  was  greatly  increased  and  it  was  determined  to  bring 
him  to  trial.  Thereupon  on  the  following  day  the  council  was 
assembled  and  the  master  justiciars  summoned.  Then  the  physi- 
cian was  formally  accused  of  having  murdered  Robert  of  Bel- 
leme.  He  answered  so  badly  the  charges  brought  against  him 
that  the  judges  were  convinced  of  his  guilt  and  sentenced  him 
tc  forfeiture  of  goods  and  to  capital  punishment,  but  also  rec- 
ommended him  to  the  mercy  of  the  court.  The  physician  was 
cast  into  prison,  but  he  could  not  be  persuaded  by  threats  or 
promises  to  reveal  the  person  who  had  instigated  him  to  his 
crime.35 

Now  while  Stephen  of  Perche  had  obtained  the  position  of 
chancellor  and  archbishop  of  Palermo  and  had  acquired  the 
most  important  place  in  the  Sicilian  court  and  had  to  face  the 
enmity  and  jealousy  of  the  other  great  personages  of  the  court, 
a  new  intrigue  was  brewing  in  Apulia.  The  barons  of  that 
duchy  speedily  saw  the  weakness  of  character  of  Henry,  count 
of  Montescaglioso,  the  queen's  half-brother,  who  had  recently 
arrived  in  their  midst.  Many  of  them  considered  that  here  was 
an  opportunity  to  overthrow  the  count  of  Molise  through  the 
instrumentality  of  the  queen's  feeble  brother  and  thus  through 
him  greatly  to  increase  their  own  fortunes  and  power.  They 
easily  persuaded  Henry  that  he  should  drive  away  Richard  of 
Mandra  from  court  and  by  virtue  of  his  relationship  to  the  king 
and  queen  acquire  the  control  of  the  government  of  the  kingdom 


'Falcand.,  362-363. 


166  SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

himself.  Thereupon  equipping  his  Spanish  followers,  a  part  of 
whom  had  followed  him  to  Apulia  and  a  part  had  fled  to  him 
there,  Henry  quickly  started  back  to  Sicily,  followed  by  many  of 
the  Apulian  barons,  who  had  instigated  him  to  this  undertaking, 
among  whom  the  most  important  was  Bohemond,  count  of  Mo- 
nopoli.  While  on  their  way  they  learned  the  startling  news 
that  Stephen  of  Perche  had  become  chancellor  and  had  sup- 
planted the  count  of  Molise  as  the  most  powerful  minister  at 
the  court.  At  first  they  wavered  in  their  undertaking,  but  then 
adhering  to  their  first  determination  they  finally  arrived  in 
Sicily.36 

The  chancellor  thus  saw  his  power  threatened  in  another  di- 
rection. Informed  doubtlessly  by  the  count  of  Molise,  with 
whom  he  had  now  an  understanding,  of  the  character  of  Henry, 
he  sought  not  only  to  suppress  the  threatened  attack  of  the 
Apulians  by  separating  the  count  of  Montescaglioso  from  them, 
but  also  to  strengthen  his  own  party  by  gaining  Henry's  sup- 
port. Stephen,  therefore,  in  the  king's  name  ordered  Count 
Henry,  who  had  arrived  with  his  followers  at  Termini,  to  come 
in  person  to  Palermo,  while  Count  Bohemond  and  his  followers 
were  to  await  at  Termini  further  royal  orders.  When  the 
count  arrived  at  court  it  was  easy  for  the  chancellor  by  flattery 
and  persuasion  to  influence  him  to  abandon  his  Apulian  follow- 
ers and  also  to  obtain  his  promise  to  be  governed  by  the  chan- 
cellor's advice  in  all  matters.  When  the  count  of  Montescaglioso 
had  thus  been  made  sure  of,  Count  Bohemond  and  the  other 
Apulian  barons  were  permited  to  come  to  Palermo,  where  they 
were  kindly  received  by  the  chancellor.  But  being  shown  the 
futility  of  their  undertaking,  they  returned  to  Apulia  after  a 
few  days  sojourn  in  Palermo.  The  chancellor,  however,  made 
use  of  this  occasion  to  gain  the  faithful  friendship  of  Count 
Bohemond.37 

Count  Henry  was  now  completely  under  the  influence  of  the 
chancellor.  So  great  was  their  intimacy  that  he  often  went  to 


"Falcand.,  363-364. 
"Falcand.,  364-365. 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE  167 

the  bath  with  Stephen,  accompanied  him  each  day  to  court  and 
on  his  return  spent  the  greater  part  of  the  day  in  private  conver- 
sation with  him.  The  chancellor's  enemies,  fearing  lest  by  this 
intimacy  his  grip  upon  the  government  of  the  kingdom  would 
become  still  stronger,  sought  to  break  up  this  friendship,  and  to 
secure  the  support  of  the  count  for  themselves,  and  so  use  him 
to  overthrow  the  chancellor.  At  first,  however,  they  were  unable 
to  influence  Henry  directly  or  to  stir  up  his  jealousy  against 
the  chancellor.  When  they  told  him  that  he  ought  to  have  the 
government  of  the  realm,  he  responded  that  he  was  ignorant  of 
French,  which  was  necessary  at  court,  and  that  he  did  not  wish 
to  have  the  responsibility  of  such  a  position.  Then  they  began 
to  work  through  Henry's  Spanish  soldiers  with  whom  he  was 
very  intimate  and  who  had  great  influence  over  him.  Through 
these  measures  Henry  was  brought  to  desert  the  chancellor  and 
to  join  his  enemies  by  whose  counsels  he  promised  to  be  guided. 
These  machinations  greatly  terrorized  the  chancellor's  friends. 
They  began  to  fear  for  their  lives;  for  the  gait,  Richard,  mas- 
ter chamberlain  of  the  palace,  had  by  his  bribes  secured  the  sup- 
port and  obedience  of  the  greater  part  of  the  soldiers  of  the  king 
and  all  the  archers  of  the  court.  Stephen  prepared  for  his  own 
defense.  He  gave  up  his  custom  of  receiving  any  one  at  any  time, 
and  established  audiences  at  certain  hours  when  he  had  all  his 
soldiers  in  armor  on  guard.  Fifty  armed  men  were  always  on 
watch  within  the  entrance  of  his  house,  and  he  sought  to  in- 
crease the  numbers  of  his  guard.  He  enlisted  in  his  service 
very  many  foreigners  who  had  recently  come  from  France  on 
their  way  to  the  Holy  Land,  among  whom  was  John  of  Lavar- 
din.38 

4.    Stephen  Deals  With  His  Enemies 

At  length  the  chancellor  came  to  realize  that  if  he  wished  to 
maintain  his  power  he  must  crush  his  enemies.  He  did  not  dare 
bring  the  leaders  to  trial  in  Palermo  on  the  charge  of  conspiracy 
lest  by  their  intrigues  open  revolt  should  break  out,  and  he  did 


'Falcand.,  366-367. 


168  SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

not  consider  that  he  had  sufficient  force  to  cope  with  such  an 
outbreak.  He  therefore  persuaded  the  king  and  the  queen 
to  go  to  Messina  to  spend  the  winter  so  that,  in  the  early  spring, 
if  it  were  desirable,  they  might  cross  over  into  Apulia.  He  then 
wrote  to  the  count  of  Gravina,  asking  his  support  and  urged 
him  to  come  to  Messina  as  soon  as  possible  and  with  an  armed 
force,  yet  not  one  so  large  as  to  give  the  impression  that  he  had 
an  army  with  him.  When  the  court  had  been  removed  to 
Messina,  the  chancellor  hoped  that  he  would  be  able  to  rid 
himself  of  his  enemies. 

Before  the  royal  party  could  set  out  for  Messina  a  period 
of  rainy  weather  set  in,  such  as  had  not  been  seen  in  Sicily  for 
a  long  time.  The  familiars  of  the  court,  who  did  not  wish  to 
be  separated  from  their  supporters,  tried  to  use  this  as  an  ex- 
cuse to  prevent  their  departure.  But  the  chancellor  could  not 
be  moved.  Exercising  the  right  of  royal  purveyance  he  made 
preparations  for  the  journey.  He  sent  letters  to  all  the  towns 
and  castles  on  the  way,  commanding  that  the  roads  be  widened, 
the  steep  places  leveled  and  that  all  things  necessary  for  the 
royal  progress  be  prepared  according  to  custom.  When  all  was 
ready,  suddenly  the  rain  ceased,  the  weather  became  beautiful 
once  more,  and  on  November  15th,  1167,  the  king  set  out  with 
the  court  for  Messina.39 

As  the  chancellor  had  removed  the  court  from  Palermo  be- 
cause he  was  afraid  of  the  populace  he  sought  to  gain  the  favor 
of  the  people  of  Messina.  A  few  days  after  the  arrival  of  the 
king,  representative  citizens  came  to  the  chancellor  with  great 
gifts  and  urgently  requested  that  there  be  restored  to  them  a 
certain  grant  of  immunity  for  their  city  which  King  Roger  had 
formerly  conferred  on  them  and  then,  regretting  his  act,  had 
taken  away  again.  In  order  to  secure  their  good-will  the  chan- 
cellor refused  their  gifts  and  without  reward  granted  their  de- 
mand. Then  the  people  of  Messina  brought  all  sorts  of  accusa- 
tions of  misgovernment  and  oppression  against  Richard,  the 
the  stratigotus  of  Messina,  and  demanded  that  he  be  brought 

"Falcand.,  367. 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE  169 

to  trial.  But  the  chancellor  considered  that  the  stratigotus  would 
be  a  valuable  acquisition  to  his  party  if  he  could  gain  him  to  his 
side.  He  therefore  tried  to  check  the  wrath  of  the  people  by 
deferring  the  matter.  But  the  people  of  Messina  would  not  be 
put  off.  Suspending  their  accusations  against  the  stratigotus 
from  the  tops  of  poles  they  held  them  up  before  the  palace  with 
loud  cries  for  justice.  The  queen,  irritated  at  this  noise,  directed 
the  chancellor  to  act  upon  their  demands  without  delay.  There 
was  nothing  left  for  Stephen  to  do  but  order  the  master  justiciars 
to  proceed  with  the  trial  of  the  stratigotus,  whom  they  condemned 
and  sentenced  to  imprisonment  and  the  forfeiture  of  goods. 
Thus  by  the  punishment  of  the  stratigotus  and  the  restoration  of 
their  privileges  the  chancellor  became  very  popular  with  the 
people  of  Messina.40 

In  the  meanwhile  the  enemies  of  the  chancellor  had  not  been 
idle.  Count  Henry  was  made  the  nominal  head  of  their  party. 
The  populace  is  proverbially  fickle  and  before  long  many  of  the 
people  of  Messina  were  won  over  by  Stephen's  enemies.  So 
also  were  many  Calabrians  who  on  the  arrival  of  the  king  had 
flocked  to  Messina.  Gentile,  bishop  of  Girgenti,  again  became 
active  in  this  conspiracy,  although  he  had  sworn  to  support  the 
chancellor.  The  unexpected  arrival  of  the  count  of  Gravina, 
however,  temporarily  checked  the  conspirators'  activities,  for 
the  count  brought  with  him  from  Apulia  and  Terra  di  Lavoro 
a  hundred  picked  knights  of  tried  valor  and  skill  in  arms.  But 
the  difficulties  of  the  chancellor's  position  increased.  In  addi- 
tion to  the  intrigues  of  the  members  of  the  court  a  new  and 
more  powerful  cause  stirred  up  the  resentment  of  the  populace 
and  soldiers  against  the  chancellor.  Many  of  his  followers  had 
lately  come  from  France  and  Normandy  and  had  nothing  but 
contempt  for  the  native  population  of  the  Sicilian  kingdom. 
They  gratuitously  angered  the  Greeks  and  Lombards  by  calling 
them  all  sorts  of  insulting  names.  The  conspirators  attempted 
to  make  use  of  the  irritated  state  of  mind  of  the  populace  and 
had  Count  Henry  fix  a  date  for  the  murder  of  the  chancellor 


Falcand.,  368-369. 


170  SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

as  he  returned  from  court.  The  count,  in  order  to  secure  the 
support  of  one  of  the  judges  of  Messina,  Roger,  by  name,  re- 
vealed to  him  all  the  details  of  the  plot,  who  at  once  reported  it 
to  the  chancellor.41 

As  the  time  fixed  for  the  assassination  was  the  very  next 
day  it  was  necessary  for  the  chancellor  to  take  immediate  action. 
After  having  consulted  with  his  most  intimate  advisers,  Gilbert, 
count  of  Gravina,  Bohemond,  count  of  Monopoli,  and  Roger, 
count  of  Avellino,  Stephen  placed  all  the  facts  before  the  queen 
and  the  king.  The  queen  after  some  hesitation  determined  that 
the  court  should  be  summoned  and  her  brother  brought  to 
trial.  Therefore  by  the  doorkeepers  (hostiarii)  of  the  court  the 
familiars,  the  bishops,  the  counts  and  the  other  leading  barons, 
together  with  the  master  justiciars,  were  assembled.  All  others 
were  prohibited  entrance  to  the  palace,  except  a  few  of  his  own 
soldiers  whom  the  chancellor  brought  in,  for  he  feared  lest  some 
of  the  leading  barons  whom  he  knew  were  in  the  conspiracy 
might  attempt  to  begin  the  revolt  in  the  midst  of  the  court. 
The  chancellor  himself  wore  a  coat  of  mail  under  his  cloak  and 
his  clerks  secretly  brought  in  swords. 

When  the  council  was  seated  Count  Henry,  as  he  had  been 
instructed  by  the  conspirators,  arose  and  began  to  set  forth  his 
poverty;  how  he  was  in  great  straits  because  of  his  debts  and 
how  the  county  of  Montescaglioso  was  not  sufficient  for  his 
needs  and  expenses.  Then  he  demanded  that  the  principality  of 
Taranto  be  given  him,  or  the  county  in  Sicily  which  his  predeces- 
sor had  formerly  held.  This  was  done  with  the  intention  that 
if  the  chancellor  objected  it  would  give  him  an  excuse  for  op- 
posing him.  But  instead  of  the  chancellor  the  count  of  Gravina 
took  up  the  role  of  accuser  and  charged  Henry  with  seeking  to 
sow  discord  between  the  king  and  queen  and  plotting  the  death 
of  the  chancellor.  The  count  of  Montescaglioso  was  not  pre- 
pared to  hear  from  the  count  of  Gravina  all  his  machinations 
exposed  to  the  light.  Falteringly  he  denied  that  he  had  ever  con- 
spired against  the  chancellor.  But  when  Roger,  the  judge  who 

"Falcand.,  369-370. 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE  171 

had  revealed  the  plot,  was  brought  in  and  had  given  his  testi- 
mony, Henry  completely  lost  his  presence  of  mind  and  called 
Roger  a  traitor  and  perjurer  for  having  betrayed  the  secret 
entrusted  to  him.  Thus  he  was  condemned  by  his  own  words 
and  the  order  was  given  that  he  should  be  confined  to  the  palace. 

While  this  meeting  was  being  held  at  the  palace,  rioting 
broke  out  in  the  city.  Many  of  the  people  rushed  to  arms  while 
the  Spanish  soldiers  of  Count  Henry  barricaded  themselves  in 
his  house.  When  this  turn  of  events  was  reported  at  the  court 
the  chancellor  showed  great  energy  in  meeting  the  situation. 
He  ordered  his  soldiers  and  those  of  the  count  of  Gravina  to 
arm  themselves  and  assemble  before  the  palace  to  protect  the 
court.  Then  he  sent  the  doorkeepers  of  the  palace  throughout 
the  city  to  order  the  citizens  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  to  cease 
disturbing  the  peace.  Then  by  the  public  crier  the  Spaniards 
were  ordered  to  cross  the  Faro  that  very  day  and  if  any  were 
found  on  the  morrow  who  had  not  done  so  they  would  be  cast 
into  prison.  Deprived  of  their  leader  the  Spaniards  did  ?iot  dare 
to  disobey.  When  they  had  laid  down  their  arms  and  were  hur- 
riedly crossing  into  Calabria  the  Greeks,  hearing  what  had  been 
done  in  Messina,  fell  upon  the  luckless  fugitives  and  robbed 
them  of  all  their  possessions,  even  down  to  their  clothes.  A 
great  part  of  the  ejected  people  perished  from  the  cold.42 

The  arrest  of  the  count  of  Montescaglioso  at  once  broke  up 
the  conspiracy  against  the  chancellor.  Some  came  forward  to 
acknowledge  their  guilt  in  order  to  save  their  lands,  or  to  lessen 
their  punishments.  The  mean-spirited  Henry  confessed  who 
had  been  its  authors.  Although  the  chancellor  now  knew  who 
were  his  enemies,  yet  he  did  not  possess  sufficient  determination 
to  follow  a  vigorous  or  decided  course  against  them.  Some  of 
his  friends  advised  him  to  adopt  a  policy  of  clemency  as  the 
only  way  to  secure  peace  in  the  future.  Others,  among  whom 
was  the  count  of  Gravina,  who  wanted  to  take  vengeance  on 
Richard  of  Molise  for  having  driven  him  from  court,  said  that 
either  the  chancellor  should  follow  out  the  example  of  Roger  II 


42  Falcand.,  370-373 ;  Romoald  Salern.,  436-437. 
H 


172  SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

in  drowning,  killing  secretly  or  mutilating  his  enemies,  or  he 
should  take  no  further  measures  against  them  at  all.  But  neither 
of  these  policies  commended  themselves  to  the  chancellor.  He 
had  not  the  foresight  to  see  the  effect  of  his  irresolution  in  at- 
tacking only  the  most  obvious  of  his  enemies.43 

A  few  days  after  the  arrest  of  Count  Henry,  when  the  counts 
and  leading  barons  were  assembled  at  court  in  council,  young 
Bohemond  of  Tarsia  arose  and  accused  Richard,  count  of  Molise, 
of  participation  in  the  conspiracy  against  the  life  of  the  chancel- 
lor and  offered  to  prove  his  accusation  by  combat.  Count  Rich- 
ard denied  the  charge  and  accepted  the  challenge.  Then  Robert, 
count  of  Caserta,  accused  Richard  of  having  long  usurped  Man- 
dra  in  Apulia  and  certain  towns  in  the  territory  of  Troia  and  of 
having  held  them  without  the  knowledge  of  the  court.  To  this 
new  accusation  Richard  replied  that  the  gait,  Peter,  when  he 
was  in  power,  had  legally  given  him  Mandra  for  a  time  upon 
condition  that  he  pay  a  certain  sum  of  money  yearly  to  the 
court,  while  as  for  the  places  in  the  territory  of  Troia  they 
had  likewise  been  given  him  by  Turgis,  the  chamberlain  of  that 
land.  Turgis,  who  then  happened  to  be  present,  was  questioned 
and  denied  that  Richard  held  those  towns  with  his  permission. 

Then  all  the  barons,  except  the  familiars  of  the  court,  were 
ordered  to  sit  apart  in  order  to  give  judicial  sentence  on  the 
charges  brought  against  the  count  of  Molise.  Those  who  thus 
passed  judgment  on  the  count  were  Bohemond,  count  of  Mo- 
nopoli ;  Robert,  count  of  Caserta ;  his  son,  Roger,  count  of  Tri- 
carico;  Roger,  count  of  Avellino,  Simon,  count  of  Sangro; 
Roger,  count  of  Geraci;  Roger  of  Tiro,  the  master  constable; 
Florio  of  Camerota,  a  judge  of  Taranto,  and  Abdenago,  son  of 
Hannibal,  the  last  two  being  master  justiciars.  The  sentence  of 
these  barons  was  delivered  by  Count  Bohemond.  It  was  that 
Richard,  count  of  Molise,  had  held  Mandra  with  the  permission 
of  the  court,  having  received  it  from  the  gait,  Peter,  before  his 
flight.  But  after  Peter's  flight  he  held  it  secretly,  not  having 
brought  it  to  the  attention  of  the  king  as  he  should.  Therefore 

"Falcand.,  373-374. 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE  173 

he  ought  not  to  be  considered  as  a  tenant,  but  as  a  usurper,  who 
held  it  by  his  own  authority  against  the  consent  and  knowledge 
of  the  court.  Likewise  it  was  agreed  that  he  held  the  other 
towns  by  his  own  authority  and  against  the  fidelity  due  the  king. 
Therefore  the  barons  decreed  that  the  lands  of  the  count  of 
Molise  should  be  at  the  mercy  of  the  king.44  Against  this 
decision  the  count  protested  and  declared  that  the  sentence  was 
false  and  unjust.  Count  Bohemond  at  once  cut  short  his  tirade 
by  prohibiting  him  from  answering  in  court,  saying  that  such 
insults  did  not  fall  on  those  who  judged  the  case,  but  upon  the 
king.  As  the  count  of  Molise  had  thereby  made  himself  guilty 
of  sacrilege,  the  archbishops  and  bishops  who  were  present  were 
ordered  to  give  sentence  according  to  the  full  severity  of  the 
law.  They  therefore  decided  that  according  to  the  statutes  of 
the  kings  of  Sicily  Richard  was  not  only  at  the  mercy  of  the  king 
for  his  lands  but  also  for  his  life,  having  dared  to  call  false  a 
judgment  of  the  court.45  Then  the  count  was  taken  in  custody 
and  imprisoned  in  the  lofty  fortress  at  Taormina.  The  chan- 
cellor now  considered  that  sufficient  punishments  and  examples 
had  been  made.  He  contemptuously  ignored  the  bishop  of  Gir- 
genti  who,  while  these  things  were  taking  place,  pretended  to  be 
kept  at  home  by  a  serious  illness  and  did  not  dare  show  his  face 
at  court.46 

Having  thus  humbled  his  enemies  the  chancellor  was  will- 
ing to  allow  the  court  to  return  to  Palermo.  Before  this  was 
done,  however,  Gilbert,  count  of  Gravina,  was  given  the  county 
of  Loritello.  He  demanded  this  as  his  reward  for  the  help  he 
had  given  the  chancellor  in  maintaining  supremacy.  It  was  an 
unfortunate  bestowal,  for  in  Apulia  were  many  barons  and 
townspeople  who  hoped  that  Count  Robert,  the  former  count,17 


"For  the  law,  Vatican  Assizes,  IV,  XXVI,  1,  in  La  Lumia,  I,  Storia 
della  Sicilia  sotto  Guglielmo  il  buono,  372,  382.  Cf.  Niese,  H.,  Die  Ge- 
setzgebung  der  normannischen  Dynastic  in  Regnum  Siciliae,  72. 

"For  the  law,  Vatican  Assizes,  XVII,  La  Lumia,  378.  Cf.  Niese,  58, 
66. 

46Falcand.,  374-376;  Romoald  Salern.,  437. 

"  Count  Robert  of  Loritello  had  fled  from  the  kingdom  because  of  his 
rebellion  in  1162  against  William  I  and  his  estates  had  been  confiscated. 
Siragusa,  G.  B.,  II  Regno  di  Guglielmo  I  in  Sicilia,  parte  seconda,  45-47. 


174  SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

would  be  permitted  to  return  and  receive  his  estates.  As  the 
gift  to  Count  Gilbert  seemed  to  destroy  the  prospect  of  Count 
Robert's  return,  they  consequently  became  the  implacable  ene- 
mies of  the  new  count  of  Loritello.  The  queen  decided  that  her 
brother,  the  count  of  Montescaglioso,  should  be  given  eight  thou- 
sand ounces  of  gold  and  sent  back  to  her  brother  in  Spain.  She 
therefore  ordered  that  seven  galleys  be  equipped  which  should 
convey  Odo  Quarrel,  who  was  returning  to  France,  and  directed 
Odo  to  take  the  count  under  his  charge.  In  the  meanwhile 
Henry  was  imprisoned  in  a  castle  in  Reggio  so  that  the  galleys 
might  the  more  easily  and  promptly  take  him  on  board  as  soon 
as  the  king  had  set  out  from  Messina  for  Palermo.48 

On  12  March,  1168,  the  king  and  the  court  left  Messina  and 
on  the  twentieth  arrived  in  Palermo.  The  newly  made  count  of 
Loritello  returned  with  his  soldiers  to  Apulia.  The  departure 
of  Count  Gilbert  was  the  signal  for  the  renewal  at  court  of 
the  plot  against  the  life  of  the  chancellor.  The  gait,  Richard, 
the  master  chamberlain  of  the  palace,  Matthew  the  notary  and 
Gentile  of  Girgenti  with  others  whom  the  chancellor  had  par- 
doned again  made  plans  for  his  assassination.  Palm  Sunday 
was  the  date  arranged  and  soldiers  were  selected  who,  mingling 
with  the  crowd,  should  fall  upon  the  chancellor  with  their 
swords,  when  the  king,  as  was  his  custom,  left  the  palace. 

The  conspirators  likewise  stirred  up  popular  opposition 
against  the  chancellor  in  Palermo  and  in  other  towns.  They 
easily  persuaded  the  people  that  if  Stephen  of  Perche  remained 
longer  in  power  they  would  be  completely  deprived  of  all  their 
liberties.  The  action  of  John  of  Lavardin  seemed  to  support 
them  strongly  in  this  argument.  John  of  Lavardin,  who  had 
taken  service  with  the  chancellor,  had  been  recently  rewarded 
by  him  with  the  land  of  Matthew  Bonell.  Desirous  of  enriching 
himself  as  quickly  as  possible  he  demanded  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  town  on  his  lands  a  relief  of  half  of  their  moveable  goods, 
claiming  that  this  was  the  custom  of  his  land.  But  the  people, 
asserting  the  liberty  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  cities  and  towns  of 


'Falcand.,  376-377;  Romoald  Salern.,  437. 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE  175 

Sicily,  said  they  were  not  obliged  to  pay  any  tax  or  tribute,  but 
sometimes,  in  case  of  urgent  necessity,  to  give  to  their  lords  of 
their  own  accord  and  free  will  as  much  as  they  wished;  that 
only  the  Greeks  and  Mohammedans,  who  were  called  villains, 
were  liable  to  annual  dues  and  taxes.  As  John  of  Lavardin 
refused  to  recognize  their  claim  the  people  of  his  towns  took 
their  case  to  the  chancellor,  who,  in  spite  of  the  advice  of  his 
native-born  friends,  Robert  of  San  Giovanni,  and  Roger  of  Tiro, 
the  master  constable,  rejected  their  claim.  He  was  influenced 
to  do  this  by  his  French  followers,  who  declared  that,  if  these 
men  obtained  what  they  demanded,  a  dangerous  precedent  would 
be  established  which  would  incite  many  others  to  rebel  against 
their  lords.  This  affair  gave  the  enemies  of  the  chancellor  a 
splendid  opportunity  for  rousing  up  great  hostility  to  him  among 
many  of  the  citizens  and  townsmen,  for  they  spread  the  report 
that  Stephen  intended  to  make  every  one  in  Sicily  pay  annual 
taxes  and  dues,  after  the  custom  of  France,  where  there  were 
no  free  citizens.49 

This  new  plot  was  also  disclosed  to  the  chancellor  who  de- 
termined to  punish  now  those  whom  he  had  spared  before.  The 
court  was  summoned  and  the  chancellor  accused  the  leaders  of 
plotting  again  against  his  life.  Matthew,  the  master  notary, 
could  make  no  defense  and  so  he  with  many  soldiers  was  im- 
prisqned.  The  queen  again  showed  her  vacillation  and  would 
not  permit  the  gait,  Richard,  who  had  been  head  of  the  con- 
spiracy, to  be  imprisoned.  With  great  difficulty  Stephen  finally 
obtained  her  consent  to  have  Richard  confined  in  the  palace. 
The  bishop  of  Girgenti  secretly  fled  to  Girgenti  for  the  purpose 
of  stirring  up  that  city  and  the  neighboring  towns  to  revolt.  But 
the  people  of  Girgenti  did  not  respond  to  his  appeals  and  when 
the  court  sent  a  justiciar  to  Girgenti  to  arrest  him  they  permitted 
him  to  be  taken  without  objection.  Brought  back  to  Palermo 
bishop  Gentile  was  tried  at  court,  condemned  and  then  imprison- 
ed in  the  strong  castle  of  San  Marco  in  Val  Demone  until  his 
misdeeds  could  be  reported  to  the  pope.50 


"Falcand.,  377-378. 

"Falcand.,  378-379;  Romoald  Salern.,  437. 


176  SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

5.    Revolt  of  Messina 

The  chancellor  had  now  overthrown  all  his  enemies  and  his 
future  would  have  been  secured  had  not  an  unforeseen  accident 
occurred.  Contrary  to  Stephen's  orders  Odo  Quarrel  had  de- 
layed his  departure  from  Messina,  for  he  could  not  tear  himself 
away  from  the  happy  task  of  collecting  tolls  from  the  ships  which 
passed  though  the  straits  on  their  way  to  Syria.  This  action  of 
his  stirred  up  great  unpopularity  against  him  among  the  peo- 
ple of  Messina.  They  complained  that  it  was  not  right  that 
foreign  robbers  should  be  permitted  to  carry  away  into  France 
the  treasures  of  the  kingdom  and  money  obtained  by  oppressing 
the  citizens.  While  the  hatred  of  foreigners  in  general  and  of 
Odo  in  particular  was  thus  increasing  in  Messina  a  quarrel  arose 
between  a  portion  of  his  followers  and  some  Greeks.  These  fol- 
lowers of  Odo  while  drunk  happened  on  some  Greeks  who  were 
gambling  and  tried  to  break  up  their  game.  The  Greeks  drove 
away  their  annoyers  with  blows.  Highly  indignant  at  this  treat- 
ment of  his  men  Odo  sent  for  the  stratigotus  and  ordered  that 
the  Greeks  be  arrested  and  brought  to  him.  The  stratigotus  ex- 
plained that  in  the  highly  inflamed  state  of  public  opinion  this 
would  be  a  very  unwise  thing  to  do.  But  Odo  insisted  and  de- 
clared that  an  example  should  be  made  of  them. 

Then  the  stratigotus  sadly  proceeded  to  carry  out  his  orders. 
He  found  the  place  where  the  trouble  had  occurred  crowded 
with  a  large  number  of  Greeks.  When  he  began  to  reprimand 
them  sharply  for  their  action,  they  stoned  him  and  forced  him 
to  flee.  Then  the  Italians,  who  had  become  very  hostile  to  the 
French  on  account  of  the  tolls  levied  on  their  ships,  urged  the 
Greeks  to  rise  up  against  them,  asserting  that  the  French  in- 
tended to  drive  out  the  Greeks  and  make  them  masters  of  their 
towns  and  that  the  chancellor  was  plotting  to  make  himself  king. 
All  kinds  of  rumors  filled  the  city  and  the  population  was  in 
such  a  state  of  excitement  that  the  stratigotus  and  the  judges  did 
not  dare  oppose  it.51 


'Falcand.,  379-380. 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE  177 

When  this  condition  of  affairs  at  Messina  was  known  at 
court  the  government  acting  in  the  names  of  the  king  and  queen 
sent  a  letter  to  the  people  informing  them  of  the  condemnation 
and  imprisonment  of  the  bishop  of  Girgenti,  the  gait,  Richard, 
and  Matthew  the  notary,  because  of  their  conspiracy  against 
the  chancellor.  They  urged  them  not  to  be  excited  by  false  re- 
ports of  malicious  rumors  and  to  cease  from  all  disturbance.52 

The  stratigotus  summoned  all  the  people  of  Messina  to  come 
together  in  the  church  to  hear  this  letter.  While  they  were  wait- 
ing for  the  stratigotus  to  appear  numerous  reports  began  to  cir- 
culate among  them.  Some  reported  that  Count  Gilbert  had  mur- 
dered the  king  and  that  without  a  doubt  the  chancellor  had  been 
made  king  and  that  it  was  his  letter,  which — called  the  royal 
letter — they  had  been  summoned  to  hear  read.  Others  asserted 
that  it  was  not  the  chancellor,  but  a  brother  of  his,  Geoffrey  by 
name,  who  was  going  to  be  made  king  and,  therefore,  Odo  Quar- 
rel was  going  to  France  with  an  immense  sum  of  money  in  order 
to  escort  Geoffrey  to  Sicily.  It  was  also  whispered  that  Geof- 
frey was  going  to  marry  Constance,  the  daughter  of  King  Roger 
II,  in  order  to  give  legitimacy  to  his  occupation  of  the  throne.53 

In  the  midst  of  the  excitement  of  these  rumors  one  of  the 
crowd,  having  obtained  silence  in  order  that  he  might  speak, 
proposed  that  "they  first  kill  Odo  Quarrel  and  then  liberate 
Count  Henry  who  had  always  greatly  loved  the  people  of  Mess- 
ina." This  proposal  had  instantaneous  success.  All  with  one 
accord,  forgetting  the  purpose  for  which  they  had  assembled, 
left  the  church  and  rushed  to  attack  Odo's  house.  Unable  to 
take  the  house  the  mob  rushed  down  to  the  harbor  where  they 
found  Odo's  seven  galleys  well  equipped  with  men  and  arms. 
These  galleys  they  compelled  to  convey  them  across  the  Faro. 
On  the  advice  of  the  chamberlain  of  Calabria  the  people  of 
Reggio  opened  their  gates  to  the  Messinians  and  fraternized  with 
them.  Then  the  mob  attacked  the  castle  in  which  Count  Henry 
was  confined.  At  first  the  garrison  of  the  castle  beat  off  the  at- 


02  Falcand.,  380-381. 
"Falcand.,  381. 


178  SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

tack  of  the  mob,  but  seeing  that  they  themselves  were  few  in 
number  and  had  no  provisions  with  which  to  stand  a  siege,  they 
agreed  to  negotiate,  provided  the  Messinians  would  produce 
some  official,  or  responsible  person,  on  whose  word  they  could 
rely.  Thereupon  some  went  back  to  Messina  and  brought  to 
Reggio  much  against  his  will  James,  the  hostiarius,  who  had 
been  commissioned  by  the  court  to  superintend  the  arming  of 
Odo's  fleet.  The  result  was  that  the  garrison  surrendered  the 
count.  Escorted  across  the  Faro  Count  Henry  was  welcomed 
with  great  rejoicing  by  the  people  of  Messina  who  promised 
that  they  would  obey  him  in  all  things  and  be  faithful  to  him  all 
his  life.54 

When  Count  Henry  arrived  in  Messina  Odo  Quarrel,  who 
had  taken  refuge  in  the  royal  palace  with  his  possessions,  was 
made  a  prisoner  and  confined  by  his  command  in  the  "old  cas- 
tle" which  was  near  the  port.  Then  the  Messinians,  fearing  lest 
the  count  should  treacherously  desert  their  cause  and  surrender 
Odo  to  the  court  in  order  to  obtain  his  own  pardon,  demanded 
that  Odo  be  put  to  death,  for  they  knew  that  if  this  were  done, 
the  court  would  never  pardon  the  count.  Very  unwillingly  the 
count  saw  himself  compelled  to  consent.  The  unfortunate  Odo 
was  delivered  over  to  the  mob  who  stripped  him  naked  and  bound 
him  on  an  ass  with  his  feet  towards  the  head  and  his  head  to- 
wards the  tail.  Thus  he  was  led  through  the  city,  in  the  midst 
of  a  great,  clamoring  crowd  who  came  to  see  the  sight,  while 
insults  and  blows  were  poured  upon  him.  When  he  was  brought 
to  the  gate  of  the  city,  one  fellow  plunged  a  knife  with  all  his 
force  into  Odo's  brain,  and  in  the  sight  of  all  licked  the  blood 
which  adhered  to  the  blade  as  an  expression  of  his  inexorable 
hate.  Others  followed  his  example  and  Odo's  body  was  pierced 
with  innumerable  wounds  and  torn  to  pieces.  His  head  was 
fixed  upon  a  lance  and  for  some  time  shown  throughout  the  city. 
Finally  it  was  thrown  into  the  public  cesspool  from  whence  it 
was  secretly  recovered  and  buried.  In  the  meanwhile  the  Greeks 


"Falcand.,  381-382;  Romoald  Salern.,  437. 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE  179 

killed  all  the  French  who  fell  into  their  hands  until  Count  Henry 
made  them  stop  by  threatening  them  with  punishment.55 

When  the  mob  began  to  come  to  its  senses  it  realized  that 
Messina  had  risen  in  revolt  against  its  sovereign.  Expecting  that 
a  royal  army  would  come  to  punish  them,  the  people  of  Messina 
started  in  to  make  every  possible  preparation  for  their  defense. 
They  barricaded  the  roads  and  seized  the  strong  castle  of  Rime- 
tula.  Then  they  went  against  Taormina  to  liberate  Richard, 
count  of  Molise,  who  was  imprisoned  there.  The  town  soon  fell 
into  their  hands,  but  they  were  unable  to  take  the  castle,  owing 
to  the  loyalty  of  its  warden.  Finally  through  the  instrumentality 
of  the  gavarret56  Count  Richard  was  released  and  the  castle 
surrendered  to  the  Messinians.57 

At  the  news  of  this  unexpected  revolt  the  chancellor  was  much 
disturbed.  He  asked  permission  of  the  king  to  send  an  army  to 
besiege  Messina  and  reduce  it  to  obedience.  This  request  was 
easily  and  willingly  granted,  but  a  certain  date  was  fixed  by  the 
astrologers  before  which  the  army  could  not  set  out.  In  the 
meanwhile  the  chancellor  ordered  the  people  of  Catania  not  to 
send  any  provisions  to  Messina,  nor  permit  the  vessels  of  Messina 
to  load  in  their  port.  In  order  that  this  command  be  carried  out 
he  directed  that  all  the  vessels  of  Catania  be  beached.  By  tak- 
ing away  from  Messina  all  means  of  procuring  food  he  hoped 
to  reduce  it  to  obedience  through  famine,  since  no  supplies  could 
come  from  elsewhere  as  Calabria  that  year  was  suffering  from 
such  poor  crops  that  it  hardly  had  sufficient  food  for  its  own  use. 
To  the  help  of  the  chancellor  came  the  Lombards  of  Sicily  whom 
the  chancellor  had  protected  and  favored.  They  urged  him  to 
attack  Messina  and  promised  that  the  Lombard  towns  would 
furnish  him  with  twenty  thousand  men.  The  chancellor  in- 
formed them  of  the  date  which  had  been  fixed  for  the  expedi- 


""Falcand.,  382-383. 

66  Gavarret,  the  title  of  an  official  subordinate  to  the  warden  of  a  royal 
castle  to  whom  belonged  the  care  and  custody  of  the  castle  and  the  over- 
sight of  the  prisoners.  Falcand.,  320. 

57Falcand.,  383-384;  Romoald  Salern.,  437. 


180  SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

tion  to  start  against  Messina  and  ordered  them  in  the  mean- 
while to  make  the  necessary  arrangements  for  taking  part  in  it.58 

6.    Overthrow  of  the  Chancellor 

Now  when  Matthew  the  notary,  who  was  imprisoned  in  the 
royal  palace  at  Palermo,  learned  of  what  was  happening  in  Mess- 
ina he  began  once  more  to  renew  his  intrigues.  Ansaldo,  the 
warden  of  the  palace,  who  was  a  friend  of  the  chancellor,  was 
confined  by  sickness  in  the  upper  part  of  the  palace,  and  the  re- 
sponsibility for  guarding  the  palace  fell  upon  his  colleague  Con- 
stantine.  Matthew  won  over  Constantine  to  his  plot  and  Had 
him  make  all  the  servants  of  the  palace,  of  whom  there  were 
about  four  hundred,  swear  that  on  the  third  day  from  then 
they  would  kill  the  chancellor  as  he  came  to  court  and  with  him 
John  of  Lavardin  and  the  count  of  Avellino.59 

Throughout  the  city  of  Palermo  the  news  from  Messina  had 
excited  great  unrest  and  the  population  lived  in  expectation  of 
an  outbreak.  The  rougher  element,  ever  ready  to  loot,  was  wait- 
ing to  fall  upon  which  ever  party  might  become  the  object  of 
popular  outcry.  They  hoped  that  it  might  be  that  of  the  chan- 
cellor as  it  was  widely  reported  that  his  house  was  filled  with 
wealth.  The  chancellor  was  most  uneasy  and  did  not  know  what 
to  do.  Ansaldo,  the  warden  of  the  palace,  advised  him  to  dis- 
regard the  date  fixed  by  the  astrologers  and  betake  himself  with 
his  soldiers  to  some  fortified  place  in  Sicily.  There  he  should 
summon  the  Lombards  and  the  others  whom  he  knew  to  be 
faithful  to  him  and  gather  as  large  an  army  as  possible 
until  the  king  arrived,  for  the  longer  he  delayed  in  Palermo  the 
less  likely  he  was  to  escape  the  plots  of  his  enemies.  But  Robert, 
count  of  Meulan,  and  other  Frenchmen  advised  him  to  remain 
in  Palermo,  as  it  was  not  proper  for  the  chancellor  to  depart 
without  the  king.  The  advice  of  these  men  was  followed  by 
Stephen.  They  were  ignorant  of  the  customs  of  the  court  and 
did  not  realize  that  there  was  no  place  more  suited  for  preparing 

"Falcand.,  384. 
"  Falcand.,  385. 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE  181 

ambushes  than  the  palace  itself  where  no  one  was  permitted  to 
protect  himself  with  arms  or  soldiers. 

When  the  day  set  for  the  assassination  arrived  the  servants 
of  the  palace,  expecting  that  the  chancellor  would,  according  to 
his  custom,  arrive  early  at  the  place,  took  their  position  all  armed 
before  the  door  so  that  when  they  had  admitted  him  with  a  few 
of  his  followers  they  could  exclude  the  soldiers  who  composed 
his  escort.  But  Odo,  the  master  of  the  stables,  seeing  what  was 
being  arranged,  hurried  to  the  chancellor  and  informed  him  of 
his  danger.  Stephen  at  once  abandoned  his  intention  of  going 
.to  court.  Keeping  with  him  only  a  few  of  his  friends  he  dis- 
missed the  soldiers  and  doorkeepers  of  the  palace  who  were  wait- 
ing before  his  house  to  escort  him  to  court.  When  Constantine 
learned  that  the  chancellor  was  not  coming  to  the  palace  he  real- 
ized that  his  plot  had  been  betrayed.  He  therefore  sent  some  of 
the  servants  of  the  palace,  who  were  well  known  to  the  citizens, 
through  the  different  quarters  of  the  city  and  ordered  them  to 
summon  the  people  to  arms  and  to  besiege  the  house  of  the  chan- 
cellor on  the  ground  that  he  had  prepared  ships  and  was  on  the 
point  of  fleeing  with  the  royal  treasure.60 

The  city  was  at  once  thrown  into  an  uproar.  Bands  of  armed 
men  made  their  appearance.  One  Herveus  Floridus  "had  made 
himself  an  object  of  suspicion  to  the  people  of  the  palace,  not  so 
much  because  of  his  intimacy  with  the  chancellor,  as  for  his 
much  talking  of  himself."  As  he  rode  along  by  the  palace  with 
Roger,  count  of  Avelino,  he  was  seen  by  the  partisans  of  the 
gait,  Richard,  and  other  armed  men  who  had  congregated  there. 
A  rush  was  made  at  him  and  he  was  dragged  from  his  horse  and 
killed.  The  count  was  pursued  out  of  the  gate  of  the  city  into 
the  plain  which  was  adjacent  to  the  palace.  He  too  was  on  the 
point  of  being  killed,  when  the  king,  wanting  to  know  what  was 
the  meaning  of  the  tumult,  came  to  the  windows  of  the  palace 
and,  seeing  the  plight  of  the  count,  ordered  the  assailants  with 
many  threats  to  surrender  the  count  to  him  safe  and  sound.  But, 
as  even  then  the  fury  of  the  mob  could  scarcely  be  restrained, 


"Falcand.,  385-386. 


182  SMITH  COLLEGE:  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

the  king,  in  order  to  save  the  count,  gave  orders  that  he  be  con- 
fined in  Castellamare. 

In  the  meanwhile  a  large  mob  had  collected  about  the  chan- 
cellor's house.  The  archers  of  the  court  who  were  accustomed 
never  to  be  the  last  in  any  sedition  which  gave  promise  of  booty 
joined  likewise  in  the  riot.  Simon  of  Poitou  had  command  of 
the  defense  of  the  chancellor's  residence.  The  suddenness  with 
which  the  mob  assembled  had  excluded  however  the  greater  part 
of  his  forces.  When  the  chancellor  saw  the  danger  of  the  sit- 
uation he  betook  himself  with  many  nobles  from  whom  he  would 
not  be  separated  through  the  cathedral  which  adjoined  his  house 
into  the  belfry.61 

In  the  meanwhile  Roger  of  Tiro,  the  master  constable,  had 
come  up  with  his  soldiers  to  drive  away  the  infuriated  crowd. 
But  the  mob,  which  was  constantly  increasing,  seeing  that  it 
outnumbered  his  troops,  turned  on  the  constable  and  his  men  and 
put  them  to  flight.  Then  began  from  all  sides  a  general  attack 
on  the  chancellor's  residence  which  was  valiantly  defended.  In 
the  midst  of  the  confusion  Matthew  the  notary  and  the  gait, 
Richard,  were  released  from  their  confinement  and  resumed  their 
offices  in  default  of  any  protest.  They  then  commanded  the 
royal  trumpeters  to  sound  their  trumpets  before  Stephen's  house. 
When  this  well-known  sound  of  war  was  heard,  all  the  citizens, 
both  Christians  and  Saracens,  believed  that  the  attack  was  made 
by  order  of  the  king  and  with  loud  outcry  many  more  came  up 
to  join  in  the  assault.  But  the  besiegers  finding  they  were  unable 
to  force  an  entrance  into  the  house,  sought  to  penetrate  it  by  way 
of  the  cathedral.  When  the  door  of  that  edifice  had  been  burned 
down  and  the  assailants  had  got  a  free  access  there,  the  defend- 
ers resisted  none  the  less  bravely  until  at  length,  unable  to  hold 
out  against  such  numbers,  they  were  forced  to  abandon  the 
house  and  retire  also  to  the  belfry.  Streaming  into  the  chan- 
cellor's house  through  the  cathedral,  the  besiegers  captured  some 
of  the  defenders,  whom  they  sent  as  prisoners  to  the  warden  of 
the  palace,  and  made  terms  with  the  others  whom  they  could 


"Falcand.,  386-387. 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE  183 

not  overpower.  They  then  began  to  attack  the  belfry,  but  as 
many  were  seriously  wounded  and  all  were  tired,  the  besiegers 
decided  to  put  off  their  attack  until  the  next  day.62 

In  the  meanwhile  Matthew  of  Aiello  and  the  other  leaders  of 
the  conspiracy  began  to  fear  that  after  all  the  uprising  might  not 
end  with  their  success.  The  king,  urged  by  his  mother,  wanted 
to  leave  the  palace  and  stop  the  attack  on  the  chancellor's  house ; 
but  he  was  dissuaded  by  Matthew  the  notary  and  other  conspira- 
tors who  said  that  it  was  not  safe  for  him  to  expose  himself  in 
such  a  storm  of  arrows  and  stones.  They  foresaw  that  if  the 
affair  was  allowed  to  drag  on  for  another  day  the  populace  might 
grow  tired,  or  become  repentant,  and  thus  give  up  the  attack 
when  they  found  out  that  it  had  been  made  contrary  to  the 
king's  will.  They  therefore  entered  into  negotiations  with  the 
chancellor  for  the  purpose  of  persuading  him  to  leave  the 
realm,  if  they  gave  him  an  opportunity  to  go  freely  to  any  land 
he  wished. 

The  chancellor  was  greatly  frightened  by  the  outbreak  and 
ill-advised  as  usual  by  his  French  followers.  He  completely  ex- 
aggerated the  gravity  of  the  situation  and  the  importance  of  the 
attack  upon  him.  He  therefore  let  himself  be  forced  into  ac- 
cepting the  terms  offered  him  by  his  enemies.  These  were  that 
he  with  a  few  followers,  chosen  by  himself,  should  be  trans- 
ported on  an  armed  galley  to  Syria;  that  the  count  of  Meulan 
and  the  other  Frenchmen  should  be  furnished  with  ships  to 
return  to  their  own  country;  that  the  nobles  of  the  kingdom  of 
Sicily  who  had  taken  refuge  with  him  in  the  belfry  should  not 
be  deprived  of  their  lands  or  their  liberty;  and  that  the  soldiers 
who  had  been  in  his  pay  should  be  given  the  choice  of  either  re- 
maining at  the  court  or  of  going  wherever  they  pleased.  Rich- 
ard, the  bishop-elect  of  Syracuse,  Matthew  the  notary,  the  gait, 
Richard,  Romoald,  archbishop  of  Salerno,  and  John,  bishop  of 
Malta,  swore  to  see  that  these  conditions  were  observed. 

Thereupon  that  night  a  galley  was  prepared  and  early  in  the 
morning  the  chancellor,  with  a  few  of  his  companions,  left  the 


^Falcand.,  387-388. 


184  SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

belfry  of  the  cathedral  and  went  to  the  French  port.  As  he  was 
about  to  embark  the  canons  of  the  cathedral  who  were  present 
asked  him  to  absolve  them  from  the  oath  of  fidelity.  Stephen 
had  not  intended  to  give  up  the  archbishopric  of  Palermo.  He 
therefore  remained  silent.  Then  the  familiars  of  the  court  be- 
gan to  urge  and  to  threaten  that  he  should  renounce  his  election 
and  thus  permit  the  canons  to  choose  a  new  archbishop.  Seeing 
the  armed  multitude  grumbling,  the  soldiers  making  a  disturb- 
ance and  the  barons  angry  because  he  would  not  give  up  his 
hope  of  returning  to  Sicily,  Stephen  again  lost  his  courage  and 
renounced  his  election.  Then  going  on  board  he  set  sail,  accom- 
panied by  the  bishop  of  Malta  as  his  protector.  But  the  galley 
was  found  to  be  so  unseaworthy  that  he  was  forced  to  put  ashore 
at  Licata,  near  Girgenti.  Here  he  purchased  a  ship  from  some 
Genoese  with  which  he  arrived  safely  in  Syria.63  He  then  went 
to  Jerusalem  and  not  long  afterwards  died  there.64 

Thus  the  power  of  Stephen  of  Perche  was  overthrown  in  the 
summer  of  1168.  The  movement  in  Messina  had  been  a  riot 
which  of  its  own  momentum  had  become  a  revolt.  The  populace 
of  Palermo,  already  keyed  up  to  a  high  pitch  by  the  intrigues 
of  the  chancellor's  enemies,  at  once  seized  the  first  opportunity 
to  follow  the  example  of  Messina  and  break  out  into  riot.  The 
chancellor  became  the  object  of  their  attack  only  because 
as  he  was  reputed  the  wealthiest  man,  he  offered  the  greatest 
opportunity  for  booty.  His  enemies  found  themselves  with 
hardly  an  effort,  and  probably  to  their  great  surprise,  in  the  posi- 
tion which  they  had  sought  so  long  and  so  hard  to  obtain. 

The  leaders  of  the  clergy  and  of  the  official  class  now  gained 
control  of  the  government.  The  queen  mother,  although  per- 
mitted to  keep  the  title  of  regent,  was  henceforth  shorn  of  all 
power  in  the  administration.  The  common  bond  among  the  vic- 
tors had  been  their  opposition  to  Stephen  of  Perche.  Hence  all 
who  had  suffered  at  his  hands  were  to  be  restored  to  their  power 
and  position.  Thus  Gentile,  the  bishop  of  Girgenti,  was  re- 


'Falcand.,  387-389;  Romoald  Salern.,  437. 
'  Romoald  Salern.,  437. 


THE  MINISTRY  OF  STEPHEN  OF  PERCHE  185 

leased  from  his  prison  and  became  again  a  familiar  of  the 
court.  Richard,  count  of  Molise,  and  Henry,  count  of  Monte- 
scaglioso,  returned  to  Palermo  followed  t>y  many  people  of 
Messina.  A  reorganization  of  the  court  occurred  and  the  con- 
trol of  the  government  was  entrusted  to  a  commisison  of  ten 
familiars  apparently  coequal  in  authority.  They  were  Richard 
Palmer,  bishop-elect  of  Syracuse;  Gentile,  bishop  of  Girgenti; 
Romoald,  archbishop  of  Palermo ;  John,  bishop  of  Malta ;  Roger, 
count  of  Geraci;  Richard,  count  of  Molise;  Henry,  count  of 
Montescaglioso ;  Matthew  the  notary,  the  gait,  Richard,  and 
Walter  of  the  Mill,  dean  of  Girgenti  and  tutor  of  the  king.65 

7.    The  Ascendancy  of  Walter  of  the  Mill 

In  this  commission  of  familiars  which  now  undertook  the 
government  of  the  kingdom  the  leader  was  not  Matthew  the 
notary  or  Richard  of  Syracuse.  A  new,  strong,  dominating  per- 
sonality began  to  assert  itself.  It  was  that  of  the  Englishman 
Walter  of  the  Mill,  dean  of  Girgenti,  canon  of  Palermo  and 
the  king's  tutor.  The  archbishopric  of  Palermo  was  the  goal  of 
the  ambition  of  most  of  the  ecclesiastics  of  Sicily,  but  especially 
of  Richard  Palmer.  Nevertheless  in  spite  of  his  relatively  sub- 
ordinate place  in  the  church,  Walter  of  the  Mill  succeeded  in  se- 
curing the  support  of  the  people  of  Palermo  and  the  consent  of 
the  court  and  had  himself  elected  to  that  archbishopric.  While 
Walter  was  rapidly  becoming  the  most  important  man  in  the 
government,  the  queen  and  the  supporters  of  Stephen  of  Perche, 
for  there  were  still  some  of  them,  attempted  to  fight  the  govern- 
ing clique  and  to  open  up  a  way  for  Stephen's  return.  They  de- 
clared that  Stephen  had  been  compelled  to  resign  his  archbish- 
opric under  compulsion  and  therefore  his  resignation  was  not 
valid.  The  queen  sent  a  large  sum  of  gold  to  Rome  to  influence 
the  pope  to  accept  this  view  and  to  declare  the  election  of  Walter 
uncanonical.  Walter  on  the  other  hand  made  use  of  the  same 
means  to  procure  his  confirmation.  The  pope  decided  in  favor 


"Falcand.,  389. 


186  SMITH  COLLEGE  STUDIES  IN  HISTORY 

of  Walter  and  granted  him  permission  to  be  consecrated  by  his 
own  suffragans,  while  the  pallium  was  conferred  on  him  by  car- 
dinal John  the  Neapolitan.66 

Having  obtained  the  archbishopric  of  Palermo,  the  most  im- 
portant ecclesiastical  position  in  the  Sicilian  kingdom,  It  was  not 
long  before  Walter  of  the  Mill  overthrew  the  commission  of  fa- 
miliars and  made  himself  the  principal  minister  of  the  crown. 
It  was  but  natural  that  this  should  happen.  So  ambitious  a  man 
could  not  tolerate  rivalry.  The  commission  embraced  so  many 
varied  and  jealous  elements  that  it  soon  became  impossible  for 
it  to  work  in  harmony,  while  the  traditions  and  precedents  at  the 
court  were  in  favor  of  a  single,  powerful  minister. 

The  new  archbishop  promptly  brought  about  a  reorganization 
of  the  court.  Reserving  the  principal  power  in  his  own  hands, 
he  continued  as  familiars  under  him  only  Gentile  of  Girgenti 
and  Matthew  the  notary,  who  in  December,  1169,  appears  as 
vice-chancellor.87  Every  obstacle  in  the  way  of  his  success  was 
removed  by  the  arrival  of  the  news  of  the  death  of  Stephen  of 
Perche  in  Syria,  which  so  discouraged  the  queen  that  she  aban- 
doned her  efforts  to  recover  her  power.  "So  the  greatest  power 
in  the  kingdom  and  the  control  of  all  affairs  was  in  the  hands 
of  Walter,  archbishop  of  Palermo,  who  was  on  such  intimate 
terms  with  the  king  that  he  did  not  seem  to  rule  the  court  so 
much  as  he  did  the  king."68 


**  Falcand.,  390 ;  Romoald  Salern.,  437 ;  Pirro,  R.,  Italia  sacra,  ed.  H. 
Mongitore,  I,  104. 

"  Garufi,  Document!  inediti  dell'  epoca  normanna  in  Sicilia,  115. 
88  Falcand.,  390-391. 


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